CHINA – SRI LANKA RELATIONS: A New Chapter Opened in 2025

By Tharushika Peelikumbura and Yohan Soyza

In September 2024, Sri Lankans experienced a significant political shift in the country. 76 years of governance led by the United National Party, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and its alliance, and later the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna, were rejected by the public. The National People’s Power won the presidential and parliamentary elections within two months. With that a new era of Sri Lankan politics began, and this article attempts to focus on a new era in China-Sri Lanka bilateral relations.

Newly elected Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake paid a four-day state visit to the People’s Republic of China from 14 to 17 January 2025. The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Foreign Employment, and Tourism, Vijitha Herath, the Minister of Transport, Highways, Ports, and Civil Aviation, Bimal Rathnayake and the Director General of Government Information, H. S. K. J. Bandara were seen joining the visit with Dissanayake. The four-day state visit included meetings with Chinese President Xi Jinping, Premier Li Qiang and Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress of China Zhao Leji and others. The visit was significant for the relations between the two countries as the Sri Lankan delegation met high-ranking members from the Chinese Communist Party, signaling increased cooperation in the future.

Key Diplomatic Objectives

1. Reaffirmation of the One China Policy

During his visit to the People’s Republic of China (PRC), President Dissanayake reaffirmed Sri Lanka’s continuous support for the One China Policy, recognizing the PRC as the only legitimate China that exists. He also assured his commitment not to allow Sri Lanka’s territory to be used for any anti-Chinese activities. This stance is aligned with Sri Lanka’s strong diplomatic relations with China since the 1950s (Kuruwita, 2025), and stronger than ever before since President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s time in the office from 2005 to 2015.

2. Strengthening Economic and Strategic Ties

This state visit aimed to strengthen strategic and economic ties between the two nations. Several agreements were signed to advance the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects, strengthen trade and investment, and promote cooperation in areas such as education, climate action and agriculture. China also pledged to support Sri Lanka’s debt restructuring efforts and encourage investments in areas such as green development and logistics (Kuruwita, 2025; Xinhua, 2025).

Both parties emphasized the importance of the cultural ties as mentioned in the joint statement between China and Sri Lanka, released in January 2025. Education and research were seen as significant opportunities to enhance cultural ties, as both parties promised to encourage more exchanges of students, teachers and researchers. China stated they welcome committed Sri Lankan students to pursue higher studies in China by providing them government scholarships, which will be a great chance for Sri Lankan students who wish to pursue their higher studies in a foreign university. China will also work with Sri Lanka to implement the Luban Workshop to create more professionals through vocational and technical training in Sri Lanka (Joint Statement between China and Sri Lanka, 2025)

3. Positioning within Global South multilateral frameworks

China and Sri Lanka emphasized global development initiatives and multilateralism. Both countries agreed to support each other by strengthening coordination and cooperation within large multilateral bodies like the United Nations Organization (UNO), and also to give focus on global issues such as climate change (Xinhua, 2025). Sri Lanka also seeks to leverage China’s BRI for development purposes and navigate risks in debt and regional power dynamics. The BRI is a great opportunity for Sri Lanka to enhance its network and connect with other partnering countries of the BRI.

Strategic Cooperation Areas

1. Development in Infrastructure

A major area of cooperation between the two countries includes infrastructure development, which is mainly led by the BRI. Notable projects in Sri Lanka include the Colombo Port City project and Hambantota Port. These projects can play a crucial role in Sri Lanka’s economic development and turn the island nation into a regional hub of business, transportation and maritime logistics if managed properly (Kuruwita, 2025; Xinhua, 2025). Table 1 provides an overview of the current ongoing Chinese projects in Sri Lanka.

2. BRI Project Advancement

The state visit also highlighted the importance of continuing BRI projects in Sri Lanka. China promised strong support for Sri Lanka’s economic development, sovereignty, and independence. Both countries also signed 15 new agreements covering areas including economic development, education, media, culture, infrastructure, agriculture, digital economy, and marine economy. President Xi emphasized the importance of fostering new highlights and high-quality cooperation within the BRI while building a community of shared future with Sri Lanka. In response, Sri Lanka pledged to further deepen regional connectivity and welcome more Chinese investments. This collaboration also includes infrastructure development and other forms of multilateral cooperation addressing climate change, demonstrating the expanding scope and depth of bilateral relations (Desheng, 2025).

3. Investment in Maritime Infrastructure

Sri Lanka and China have multiple agreements on developing maritime infrastructure under the BRI projects. These projects include Hambantota International Port (HPI), aiming to make Sri Lanka a major maritime hub in the Indian Ocean Region by providing services such as port, energy, marine and port investment (Hambantota International Port Group, n.d.). The project also aims to create job opportunities that are estimated at around 50,000. However, since 2017, Sri Lanka has leased the port for 99 years to China Merchants Ports Holding Company (CMPort) in a debt-for-equity swap deal. Therefore, Sri Lankan decision-makers should work carefully and maintain high standards to maximize the benefits currently earning.

The Colombo Port City Project is another key project located on reclaimed land from the sea. The project is handled by the China Harbour Engineering Company (CHEC) (CHEC Port City Colombo (Pvt) Ltd - Sri Lanka, n.d.). The China Merchants Ports Holding Company (CMPH) operates the Colombo International Container Terminals (CICT) as a joint venture company with the Sri Lanka Port Authority (SLPA). The CICT is the only deep-water port in South Asia at the moment, and they also aim to increase the capacity of the terminal and manage the container traffic (Details Business Areas, 2018).

4. Economic Collaboration

This includes increasing trade and investment, promoting agricultural cooperation, and developing digital economy partnerships, as it is one of the fastest-developing sectors globally, contributing over 15% to global GDP (Wignaraja and De Zylva, 2018). China has also agreed to assist Sri Lanka in debt restructuring, education, tourism development, logistics and green development (Kuruwita, 2025). China is also focusing on a free trade agreement (FTA) with Sri Lanka, as they already reached one recently with the Maldives (Shivamurthy, 2025).

5. $3.7 billion Sinopec Oil Refinery Project in Hambantota

As a major point of President Dissanayake’s 2025 visit to China, both nations agreed to a $3.7 billion oil refinery project in Hambantota, Sri Lanka. Sinopec will lead this project as decided after a bidding process. This step indicates a shift towards partnerships based on investment rather than financial loans (Moramudali and Chen, 2025).

6. Renewal of Currency Swap Agreement

During the state visit two nations agreed on a currency swap renewal. This is a pivotal point of Sri Lanka’s debt restructuring and economic stabilizing process, and it will also enhance economic cooperation between the two old friends (Kuruwita, 2025).

7. Expanding Trade and Investment

Both countries are highly focused on expanding trade and investment to provide a more friendly business atmosphere for Chinese enterprises in Sri Lanka. Digital transformation, green development, and logistics are the main aspects to be focused on (Kuruwita, 2025; Xinhua, 2025)

Table 1 above indicates that China’s main focus on infrastructure projects in Sri Lanka was mainly on roads, airports, seaports, energy, the telecommunication sector and water supply projects. By investing in such infrastructure projects, China created interdependencies and leveraged them significantly. Sri Lanka, as a strategic point in the Indian Ocean, could be pivotal for China to ensure its regional power balance in South Asia. But during the civil war times, China emerged as a major donor and development partner (Shivamurthy, 2025), proving China’s caring role for Global South partners. The authors assume that providing development assistance is not just a strategic step, it is also a significant priority of uplifting the global south partners while developing itself, as China is doing. If the public could understand this with an open mind, this might be seen as a positive opportunity to develop the country.

What is important is that the Sri Lankan policymakers need to carefully manage Chinese development loans to gain the maximum benefits. In this case, transparency is very important as the government officials are responsible for every decision they take on behalf of the public, and the decisions need to be transparent to the public. Evaluating and reporting each project is also crucial as they can be used to plan future projects carefully.

Geopolitical Context

As President Anura Kumara Dissanayake sets out on a strategic partnership with China, the geopolitical context surrounding this initiative cannot be overlooked. The Indian Ocean remains significant for international relations, and Sri Lanka's geographical position makes it a critical player in the balance of power among regional powers. Sri Lanka must therefore navigate its aspirations cautiously, serving both its national interests and the demands of powerful neighbouring countries.

1. Balancing Relations with Regional Powers

By reaffirming its ties with China, Sri Lanka finds itself seeking a delicate balance between India and China, two strong neighbours. Sri Lankan leadership often emphasizes the need for a non-aligned foreign policy, which allows it to engage with both nations without compromising its sovereignty. A diplomatic quote that describes this approach is from Dissanayake himself in which he notes that "We thrive best when our partnerships create opportunities for all parties involved." (Deccan Herald, 2025).

2. Strategic Positioning in the Indian Ocean

The Indian Ocean is becoming increasingly significant for trade routes and military presence. Sri Lanka's decision to strengthen ties with China under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) will likely enhance its strategic location in the region. China’s investments in maritime infrastructure aim to secure its maritime silk route, while Sri Lanka benefits from development and trade opportunities (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China, 2025). The growth in maritime infrastructure could lead to increased ship traffic through the Colombo harbour, thereby significantly boosting the Sri Lankan economy (Global Times, 2025).

3. Diplomatic Support in International Forums

In the face of global challenges, Sri Lanka's collaboration with China also opens avenues for diplomatic backing in international forums. China's weight in the United Nations and other multilateral organizations provides an opportunity for Sri Lanka to express its interests more clearly (Sunday Times, 2021). This collaboration may come in the form of backing during discussions related to climate change, economic development, and regional security matters, aligning with China's global objectives while benefiting Sri Lanka’s international standing.

Recommended Policy Actions

For Sri Lanka to fully gain the benefits of its deepening relationship with China, several policy actions have been highlighted by scholars and policy institutes. Firstly, diversifying economic partnerships is essential. While Chinese collaborations offer significant opportunities, overdependence poses long-term risks. Strengthening ties with ASEAN countries, the European Union, and India can enhance economic resilience and geopolitical balance (Observer Research Foundation, 2025). Secondly, leveraging Chinese investments strategically can catalyze broader development. Beyond infrastructure, Sri Lanka can use these investments to expand sectors like energy, technology, and manufacturing, provided the projects are managed with transparency and long-term sustainability in mind (Global Times, 2025). Thirdly, maintaining diplomatic flexibility is crucial. A dynamic foreign policy that balances relations with both China and India, while promoting regional multilateralism, can help Sri Lanka navigate shifting geopolitical dynamics (Gateway House, 2025).

Amidst these high-level strategies, several modest yet impactful actions remain underutilized. One such initiative is the formation of an independent Foreign Investment Impact Assessment Taskforce, including members from civil society, academia, and business, to review and publicly brief on major bilateral projects, thereby increasing transparency and public trust. Additionally, bilingual digital dashboards that track project progress, financial flows, and social outcomes could facilitate data-driven adjustments and citizen engagement. The government could also embed policy nudges into contracts, such as local hiring quotas, incentives for technology transfer, and environmental safeguards, all achievable without extensive legislative overhaul. Finally, introducing foreign policy literacy modules in secondary education would help cultivate a more informed and globally aware generation. These grassroots-oriented actions are low-cost, culturally resonant, and politically feasible, yet they often remain sidelined in favor of grand diplomatic visions.

Potential Challenges

While the prospects of deepening relations with China appear promising, several well-documented challenges must be carefully managed. First, navigating regional power dynamics is crucial, as tensions between China and India over territorial disputes continue to escalate. Sri Lanka must tread carefully to avoid being drawn into broader geopolitical rivalries (Foreign Policy, 2024). Second, ensuring balanced international relations is vital. Strengthening ties with China should not come at the expense of alienating other key international partners, and a nuanced foreign policy is required to maintain this equilibrium (Deccan Herald, 2025). Third, the issue of maintaining economic sovereignty remains pressing. The influx of Chinese investments, while beneficial in the short term, may compromise Sri Lanka’s long-term control over strategic sectors unless protective mechanisms are in place (Chatham House, 2020).

Beyond these widely acknowledged strategic concerns, Sri Lanka also faces a set of more localized, systemic challenges that could quietly erode the benefits of foreign engagement. Entrenched bureaucratic inefficiencies often stall the implementation of large-scale agreements, regardless of high-level diplomatic progress. Additionally, the politicization of foreign investments, where projects become mired in domestic party politics, can cause mismanagement, public opposition, or abandonment. Another underappreciated challenge is the limited institutional capacity to enforce environmental, labor, and transparency standards in megaprojects funded by foreign entities. This gap can lead to exploitation, unequal benefits, and environmental harm. Furthermore, low levels of public awareness regarding the long-term implications of international partnerships hinder civic engagement and accountability. If left unaddressed, these domestic vulnerabilities risk undermining even the most strategically sound bilateral initiatives.

Conclusion

The strategic visit of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to China marked a significant milestone in the evolution of China-Sri Lanka relations. By deepening cooperation across multiple areas, reaffirming key diplomatic objectives, and maintaining a proactive diplomatic stance, Sri Lanka is poised to enhance its standing in the regional and global arena.

The evolving partnership between Sri Lanka and China presents a landscape rich with opportunity, but not without complexity. As strategic initiatives continue to deepen bilateral ties, Sri Lanka must remain vigilant in safeguarding its economic sovereignty, institutional integrity, and regional balance. The recent political transition signals a willingness to reset foreign policy priorities, but genuine success will depend not only on high-level diplomacy but also on transparent governance, inclusive development, and civic accountability.

In this significant chapter of its international engagement, Sri Lanka has the chance to reshape its role in the Indo-Pacific and the Global South. Whether it emerges as a strategic bridge or becomes strategically bridged over will depend on how well it can balance cooperation with caution, vision with vigilance. And here’s something to think about. If foreign partnerships are designed to build the nation’s future, should the people of that nation not be more actively involved in shaping how those partnerships unfold?

References

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A PAUSED PARTNERSHIP? Sri Lanka’s Incomplete Integration into the SCO

By Abheetha Kodikara

The ‘Shanghai Five’ organization was renamed in 2001 as the ‘Shanghai Cooperation Organization’ with the inclusion of Uzbekistan. The next large expansion was the inclusion of India and Pakistan in 2017. The organization also has categories such as observer states and dialogue partners, which bring together many countries. Sri Lanka obtained dialogue partnership in 2009 and still remains in that position today. This article attempts to understand why Sri Lanka has remained a dialogue partner for sixteen years.

Many countries that joined the Shanghai Cooperation Organization after Sri Lanka, have already progressed beyond observer status to full membership. Against this background Sri Lanka’s limited interest or awareness of the SCO has become questionable. Did Sri Lanka ever want to go beyond dialogue partner status? Does Sri Lanka lack enthusiasm to seize opportunities through engagement with the SCO? Are there strategic planning gaps?

These aspects require analytical scrutiny. Since its establishment, the SCO has evolved into a powerful institution. It has expanded its network from Eurasia to South Asia, and further into West Asia. The attraction however is likely dependent on whether the goals of the partner countries have been met through the organization. The goals of the organization affect the engagement of the relevant countries, with the organization. The SCO is no longer limited to addressing terrorism, extremism and separatism. It also focuses on enhancing economic prosperity, trade among member states and energy cooperation.

In such a context, Sri Lanka’s prolonged status as a dialogue partner since 2009 indicates a lack of enthusiasm towards achieving more substantial goals. It must be questioned whether this is due to the country being trapped in significant debt dependency on China, or whether Sri Lanka is struggling to gain tangible benefits in trade, investment, and energy while maintaining a steady non-aligned foreign policy.

In 2013, a Memorandum of Understanding to create an Energy Club was signed among the SCO member states, observers, and dialogue partners. Yet, there remains a lack of awareness and knowledge of the steps taken by Sri Lanka to engage closely in the Energy Club.

An attempt is made to understand the lack of progress of membership from a theoretical perspective of regional cooperation. Starting with realism, it focuses on power dynamics, self-interest and survival strategies of states within an archaic global system. Why then has there been no attempt to increase power dynamics or self-interest? When considering regime theory and liberalism, the focus is on how institutions can enhance international and regional cooperation by working together. In the current world, it is increasingly important that states work together to achieve peace, security, prosperity, poverty reduction, and equality among other priorities. Thus, relatively small states like Sri Lanka would benefit economically, in fulfilling the nation’s needs.

In discussing the topic further, it is understood that policy reforms were not taken seriously or enthusiastically, by considering the benefits of cooperation. In addition, the lack of domestic awareness and institutional capacity are key arguments when it comes to Sri Lanka remaining at the same level on the SCO’s membership portal.

In fact, the awareness about the SCO among Sri Lanka’s policymakers, scholars, media and civil society is minimal. The absence of a national policy on SCO engagement and the minimal attention or sustainability of a dedicated SCO unit within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, underlines this weakness. The critique here is that for any multilateral partnership, whether it is SCO or any other regional alliance, in order to yield a meaningful process, there must be domestic institutional readiness and proper awareness. Without an official framework and policy structures, the partnership cannot evolve beyond symbolic affiliation.

What is also relevant for this study is the absence of bilateral follow-up mechanisms between Sri Lanka and Central Asian states. This is a key challenge as, unlike the other dialogue partners such as Türkiye or Egypt which have leveraged bilateral ties with SCO members, Sri Lanka lacks the structural bilateral dialogue or economic corridors. Sri Lanka also lacks free trade agreements or largescale diplomatic missions in several SCO countries. The absence of high-level political visits to and from key Central Asian States also further limits influence.

When examining these reasons, it is clear that improving dialogue partnership status would only be possible with parallel bilateral cooperation. Yet a point to urgently note is that Sri Lanka has not proactively engaged in such follow-up initiatives through SCO platforms.

Therefore, in conclusion, Sri Lanka must develop a National SCO engagement strategy, strengthen relations with Central Asian states, through trade, diplomacy and academic exchanges while managing India-China dynamics within the organization carefully to build institutional awareness about the potential of the SCO. Using the dialogue partnership platform to foster strategic trust would gradually strengthen the partnership and result in observer status.

The presence of Sri Lanka in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization is mostly ceremonial. What should be realised is that cooperation would ensure economic benefits which Sri Lanka needs at this time.

WHY COLOMBO FEELS HOTTER THAN EVER: A City Trapped in its Own Heat

By Nisika Chamadith

How has it been to live in Colombo lately? How often do you think of air conditioners or at least, how often have you been using air conditioning?

Colombo's heat has surged in recent years, turning life in the city to a literal nightmare. Many residents will agree that getting a good night’s sleep has become nearly impossible due to the immense nocturnal heat. In 2024, Colombo recorded its highest average monthly temperatures in history, predicting that it could only be getting worse. While climate change plays a major role in rapid heat waves, the way that the cities are being designed only contributes to the problem. In Colombo, the accelerated urbanization, reduction of urban forest cover and the rise of the concrete jungle has contributed to a lesser known but deeply harmful phenomenon: the Urban Heat Island effect.

Reflecting on Colombo: A transformed city

There is no doubt that Colombo has had one of the most accelerated growth rates in less than a decade. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, Colombo developed at a slower pace and maintained a considerable green cover, creating a favourable climate mixed with the sea breeze. While the rapid post-war development has contributed largely to the economy and the tourism industry of Sri Lanka, it was one of the major contributors to the growing heat of Colombo. The statistics show that Colombo’s Urban cover has increased by 40% during 1997 to 2017 (Wijerathna et al., 2021), suggesting that the numbers are much higher at present. A city that once had colonial style low-rise buildings has now turned into a dense urban hub with a notable skyline.

The Science Behind the Heat

A. Effects of Global Warming

It must be accepted that Global Warming plays a major role in intensifying the other factors that contribute to the urban heat increase. Yet, the topic of Global Warming is not given much prominence in Sri Lanka and even when it is addressed, it is among the few who actually sees the effects of Global Warming. But one might hear complaints from family, friends, or colleagues about sleepless nights due to the persistent heat. Dangerously yet, IPCC’s sixth annual report, 2021, depicts that the night time minimum temperatures are rising faster than the day-time maximums, suggesting a major climate shift. The meteorological department furthermore showcases that extreme heat days of 36-38 oC may now occur frequently in March - May seasons. All these facts and data points to one clear truth: Climate change is here and yes, it is affecting Sri Lanka. The increase of surface temperature of Colombo city by 1.6 oC between 1997 and 2017 due to urban expansion not only confirms the effects of global warming in the city, but also alarms about a much worse tomorrow.

B. The Urban Heat Island (UHI) Effect

Before explaining the intensity of the effect, it is better to understand this lesser-known phenomenon. The Urban Heat Island (UHI) effect refers to the significant increase of the temperature of the urban areas compared to their surrounding rural areas, especially at night. This is due to a combination of human activities, building materials and infrastructure. Urban areas tend to absorb heat by built surfaces. This absorbed heat gets trapped between tall buildings and narrow roads, creating what is known as “urban canyon effect”. More factors such as lack of vegetation and human activities such as vehicles, air conditioners and electricity usage release waste heat, further adding to the trapped heat and warming up the surrounding.

Although one may think of a city like the New York City when reading the above scientific explanation, the effects of UHI are very much present in Colombo city as Colombo has developed a strong UHI where urban areas are 1.5 - 3 oC higher than the surrounding areas (De Silva & Ekanayake, 2016). A spatial analysis done using MODIS thermal satellite data furthermore confirms that “Heat islands are clearly visible in the city core and intensify during dry seasons” (Hearth & Ratnayake, 2016).

Impact on Daily Life

The rising heat of the city does not only irritate the residents but also impacts their lives both directly and indirectly. Heat related illnesses such as heat strokes, dehydration have increased, particularly for children and outdoor workers. In February, 2024, the Ministry of Education suspended all sports activities for 2 days, followed by a detailed guideline due to the extreme heat prevailed during the days. The same guideline can be seen in February, 2025, showcasing how the heat is already affecting the school children, predicting a possible threat to the education and after school sports activities in the near future.

The rising urban temperature leads to more energy consumption as everyone’s life depends on the continuously spinning fans and the air conditioners. This is indeed directly affecting the lives of the civilians as there will be an increase in their electricity bill. Yet, it is a further burden for the electricity suppliers as the depend is high in the Urban areas. As a result, electricity consumption in Sri Lanka peaked during heat waves, largely due to the increased use of fans and air conditioners (PUCSL, 2022)

The low-income communities of Colombo face greater vulnerability due to the rapid increase of heat in the city. Poor ventilation and tin-roofed homes, especially in slum areas and densely populated areas in Dematagoda, Wellawatta, Dehiwala, are direct victims of the unbearable heat waves that Colombo experiences from time to time. It must also be mentioned that outdoor laborers such as construction workers and delivery personnel may experience reduced work hours due to unsafe heat conditions. According to the international labour organization (2021), Sri Lanka risks losing over 1.2% of total working hours by 2030 due to heat stress, impacting the GDP of the country.

Way Forward: Planned Cities & Stronger Policies

A well laid out plan is urgently required to combat the impacts of the temperature rise in Colombo. The Environment Impact Assessment is mandatory in every development activity that takes place within the country. However, it is crucial to introduce an Urban Heat Impact Assessment, prior to approval of the development project via the Colombo municipal council to assess the contribution to Colombo’s heat island. Moreover, updating the Colombo Metropolitan Regional Structure (CMRSP) to include components such as prohibition of heat-intensive materials in dense urban areas and tree-to-concrete minimum ratio for all construction projects are initiatives that should be taken urgently. Communities can also participate in heat-resilient urban restructuring by transforming underused public land such as, rooftops of government buildings, schoolyards, balconies and transit stops, into community green spaces.

The Colombo Municipal Council may also advise the schools in Colombo to expand their schoolyards by integrating shaded learning spaces, trees and naturally cooling play areas, helping children to cope with heat waves. More importantly, the urban planners are encouraged to introduce the vertical garden concepts for all residents as well as the workplaces as it may help drastically in reducing the canyon effect in Colombo city. Although Colombo is already a planned city, integrating climate resilient strategies has proven to be challenging. Yet, even the minor step could make a greater impact.

Urban planning alone may not be sufficient to tackle the issue hence, the support of the country’s legal system is much required. Although many might be unaware, it is crucial to highlight that Colombo City does not have an Urban Climate Resilient Policy. One may argue that such a policy dedicated to a city is unnecessary as the national climate policy exists. In such a context, why must Colombo have its own urban Climate Resilient Policy? Simply because the major threat of rising temperatures in the city due to the urban heat island effect only prevails largely in Colombo so far. Hence, the requirement of such a policy with a dedicated chapter on urban heat mitigation must be introduced under the Urban Development Authority or the Colombo Municipal Council for making better decisions and mitigation strategies. Furthermore, the Colombo Municipal Council should be encouraged to introduce cooling ordinances such as green walls, cool roofs and covered walkways in order to optimize the maximum heat resilience in development projects.

Conclusion: Rethinking Colombo for a Better Future

The sleepless nights, exhausting afternoons and the immense heat indicate that the effects of climate change are here and Colombo, unfortunately is becoming a prime victim of it at an alarming rate. Government bodies, the general public and other environmental organizations must urge the need of a strategic system to combat the heat crisis that is immense in Colombo. This article does not intend to deny the impacts of global warming that affects the whole of Sri Lanka but rather highlight the immense heat waves that Colombo keeps experiencing, which is unusually high compared to the other regions. This may be the problem of Colombo today but will soon be an island wide issue covering all major cities. Hence, now is the time for awareness, action and implementation of a well laid out framework to combat and avoid urban heat islands through better urban planning, restructuring and updated policies before it is too late.

References: Department of Meteorology Sri Lanka. (n.d.). Weather and climate data.

De Silva, R. P., & Ekanayake, E. M. S. (2016). Urban heat island effect: Case study in Colombo metropolitan area. Sri Lankan Journal of Geology and Earth Sciences.

Herath, S., & Ratnayake, H. (2020). Land surface temperature trends in Colombo using MODIS satellite data. Remote Sensing.

Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka. (2022). Annual report 2022.

UNDP Sri Lanka. (2020). Climate risk country profile: Sri Lanka.

Wijerathna, C. D., Herath, H. M. W. A., & Gunathilake, S. K. (2021). Monitoring urban heat islands in Colombo using remote sensing data from 1997 to 2017. Remote Sensing of Environment.

World Bank Group. (2022). Climate change knowledge portal: Sri Lanka.

From Estrangement to Re-engagement: Charting the Evolution of US-Syria Relations (1971-Present)

By Nishali Ranasinghe

Introduction

The year 2025 has been a year of significant geopolitical changes. President Trump’s recent visit to West Asia stands out as an event that could alter the course of American history. Of all the incidents that occurred during his first foreign trip after being elected president for the second time, the announcement of dropping sanctions on Syria took the world by surprise. This is because the relationship between these two countries has never been peaceful. Several factors can help us understand why this is so. Thus, this article focuses on the history between the two countries during different regimes, the current status of their relationship, and the reaction from the international community.

The Evolution of US-Syria Relations: A Historical Overview of the Presidential Policies

Syria gained independence from the French on April 17, 1946, after World War II. Thereafter, Syria faced widespread instability in its political, economic, social, and religious sectors, resulting in a fragmented country with little progress. Amidst this chaos, Hafez al-Assad became President of Syria and ruled the country from 1971 to 2000. Assad set about building up the Syrian military with Soviet aid and gaining the loyalty of the Syrian populace with public works funded by Arab donors and international lending institutions (Britannica, n.d.). It was stated that he carried an authoritarian rule, yet some people praised him for bringing stability to the country. However, during this single presidency in Syria, there were several U.S. presidents who were at the helm in America.

From 1970 to 1974, during Richard Nixon's presidency, Assad tried to get closer to the Soviet Union instead of the U.S., which strained relations between the two countries. However, despite the lack of a positive relationship with the U.S., the U.S. still backed the disengagement agreement negotiated between Syria and Israel after their conflict.

During Gerald Ford’s tenure, there were no specific interactions with the Assad Regime. Similarly, during the tenure of Jimmy Carter (1977-1981), there were major changes in the relationship between the USA and Syria.

According to Wright (2017), when Jimmy Carter met Assad in Geneva in 1977, to explore prospects for a U.S.-Soviet conference on Middle East peace, Assad had demanded the return of territory seized by Israel and strategic parity for the Arab world. The disagreements over the expectations and policies of the two countries made their connection stale, and as a result, in the year of 1979, Syria was added to the list of states sponsoring terrorism as the country was believed to support the Palestinian militant groups. According to Uddin (2025), a number of financial restrictions, a ban on US foreign aid, and an arms embargo were included as sanctions.

During Ronald Reagan’s tenure (1981-1989), the relationship between the two countries worsened. Tensions between Reagan and Assad turned openly hostile after Israel’s 1982 invasion of Lebanon, where Syria had thousands of troops deployed (Wright, 2017). Additionally, further restrictions were imposed by the Reagan administration in 1986, including the banning of Syrian aircraft from landing in the US (Uddin, 2025).

From 1989 to 1993, during the regime of George H. W. Bush, the relationship between the two countries changed positively, mainly due to the Gulf War. Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in 1990 allowed Syria to join the US-led coalition to free Kuwait from the invasion. During this period, there were a few notable changes that improved Syria's image.

At the same time, Syria's doors were flung open to Saudi Arabia and the Arab states of the Persian Gulf, whose governments had been unhappy with Syria's support of Iran. This was a significant step toward broadening Syria's focus on regional diplomacy, building a new alliance system, and opening up to the United States and the West following the retrenchment of the former Soviet Union. Most significantly, these moves led to Syria's entry, for the first time ever, into face-to-face negotiations with Israel. Not only did Syria drop its insistence on an international peace conference under UN sponsorship, but it also contributed to creating the psychological prerequisites for successful bilateral negotiations with Israel (Muslih, 1998).

Even during Bill Clinton's presidency (1993-2001), Syria continued to participate in the Middle East peace process. His motive was to keep Syria out of trouble. This helped Syria stay on good terms with the U.S. and Arab nations, making it a defensive strategy of his time. However, in the year 2000, Hafez al-Assad passed away, resulting in his son, Bashar al-Assad, ruling the country for the next 24 years (2000-2024). During his tenure, Bill Clinton was in his final years, and Bashar al-Assad managed to have a cordial relationship with the US. Nevertheless, the relationship between George W. Bush (2001-2009) and Bashar al-Assad can be described as gradually strained.

Initially, both regimes cooperated and worked towards ‘war on terror’ after the 9/11 attacks. Zisser (2003) stated that the Syrian intelligence cooperated with the United States in pursuit of cells from al-Qaeda and offered to assist the United States in its investigations. Bashar made a special effort to guarantee that no suspicion fell on Syria for involvement in the September 11 attacks, and because of this move, the Americans expressed gratitude to the Syrians for their assistance, and President Bush even called Bashar al-Assad to thank him. However, in 2004, the George W. Bush administration accused Syria of possessing weapons of mass destruction, supporting militant groups in the region (including Hezbollah and Hamas), and destabilizing Iraq and Lebanon (Uddin, 2025). This could be proved by the following statement made by President Bush on the Assad regime: "My patience ran out on President Assad a long time ago," Bush said. "The reason why is because he houses Hamas, he facilitates Hezbollah, suiciders go from his country into Iraq, and he destabilizes Lebanon," Bush said (Spetalnick, 2007).

Additionally, Syria also continued to conduct business as usual in granting aid and safe haven to Palestinian terrorist organizations, including Hamas and Islamic Jihad. Ramadan Shallah, Islamic Jihad’s Damascus-based leader, continued to take responsibility for attacks on Israel in statements issued from Damascus. And of course, Syria continued to foster its strategic alliance with Iran and also its ties with North Korea. These two countries continued to provide Syria with assistance in equipping itself with advanced technologies and weaponry (Zisser, 2003).

These actions from Syria damaged the connection between the two countries. During President Barack Obama’s presidency (2009-2017), tensions between the two countries rose, and things became extremely volatile. This occurred due to several reasons. One factor was the Syrian civil war, where Assad cracked down on civilians. This violated their human rights and led to widespread backlash from the international community. Britannica (2025) stated that improvised explosives, also known as “barrel bombs,” were dropped from helicopters and airplanes against military and civilian targets in rebel-held areas, even though human rights groups insisted that the use of such indiscriminate weapons constituted a war crime.

Houeix (2018) stated that Assad’s government had admitted to possessing chemical weapons in July 2012, and a month later, Obama stated that the use of such weapons is a “red line” and that crossing it would entail “enormous consequences”. Nevertheless, even though there was much evidence that proved that Syria had used chemical weapons on its civilians, this “red line” threat became an empty threat that did not impact Syria or Assad in any way. This could be one of the pivotal moments in American history, as they lost their credibility in front of the international community. This could have happened as the USA did not want to get involved in another Middle Eastern war.

During President Joe Biden’s era, it could be stated that there was a continuation of the previous regime. There are a few notable incidents that occurred during his time. For instance, countering ISIS terrorism involved supporting local partners like the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), humanitarian aid for the civilians in distress, and passing the Captagon Act to disrupt the illicit drug trade. Adib (2024) stated that the world's leader in Captagon trade has been Syria, generating an estimated $10 billion for the country an estimated $2.4 billion a year directly for the Assad regime, according to a 2023 study conducted by the Observatory of Political and Economic Networks, a nonprofit that conducts research on organized crime and corruption in Syria. With these incidents unfolding one by one, the relationship between the two countries could not be mended, and with the political instability, poor economy, and slow development in the country, Bashar al-Assad’s government was toppled, and he fled to Russia which gave the space to Ahmed al-Sharaa, a former al-Qaeda insurgent who led the rebel that toppled the Assad regime in 2024, to become the president of Syria.

After this incident, President Biden, envisaging future connectivity with Syria observed that: “It’s a moment of historic opportunity for the long-suffering people of Syria to build a better future for their proud country,” Biden said from the Roosevelt Room. “It’s also a moment of risk and uncertainty. As we all turn to the question of what comes next, the United States will work with our partners and the stakeholders in Syria to help them seize an opportunity to manage the risk.” (Klein et al., 2024).

The Post-Assad Era and the Restructuring of US-Syria Relations

The year 2025 can be named as one of the years that is full of surprises, even in the world of geopolitics. After Donald Trump was elected the 47th president of the USA, world affairs drastically changed due to some of his policies. However, even though he was previously elected president from 2017-2021, we can now see a distinct approach to Syria this time. Like all previous presidents, Trump maintained a similar stance on Syria during his first term, that is to be hostile and impose sanctions. As a consequence, Trump signed the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act of 2019 (the Caesar Act), which can be described as follows, Executive Order 13894 includes menu-based sanctions, including travel restrictions to the United States and isolation from the United States’ financial system for foreign persons who engage in or finance the obstruction, prevention, or disruption of a ceasefire or political solution to the conflict in Syria and members of their family, among other actions… Mandatory sanctions under the Caesar Act target foreign persons who facilitate the Assad regime’s acquisition of goods, services, or technologies that support the regime’s military activities as well as its aviation and oil and gas production industries… The Caesar Act also mandates sanctions on those profiting off the Syrian conflict by engaging in reconstruction activities (U.S. Department of State, 2020).

Trump continued to target ISIS in Syria, and the relationship between the two countries remained unchanged, with no improvements. Nevertheless, soon after Trump was elected for the second time in the latter part of 2024, the relationship between the two countries began to shift in the opposite direction.

On May 2025, President Donald Trump met with Ahmed al-Sharaa, which became a historic moment for both the countries and the middle east which paved the way to normalize relations between the two countries. The meeting, described by Syria as “historic,” was the first between a US and Syrian president in 25 years, taking place during Trump's Middle East tour, the first set of state visits of his second term (Salem, 2025).

Soon after the historic meeting, Trump announced he would lift the crippling U.S. sanctions against Syria and urged al-Sharaa to meet specified conditions in hopes that it will stabilize the country (Hutchinson, 2025). According to Firstpost (2025), the USA is expecting the following conditions to be met in return for dropping the sanctions which are – Syria coming to terms with Israel; deporting Palestinians and foreign terrorists; helping the USA fight ISIS; and taking control of the ISIS detention centers in Syria.

Sanctions Relief in Post-Assad Syria: International Debates

This move was categorized as both new and surprising to the world for many reasons. Firstly, Ahmed al-Sharaa, who was known to have led the rebel offensive that toppled the Assad regime in 2024, was also a former al-Qaeda insurgent who fought against the U.S. in Iraq. The second factor is that a U.S. president is taking a different stance on Syria, ignoring the actions taken by previous administrations, including his first term as president. This could be seen as a new development in the relationship between the USA and Syria after many decades of hostility. This move can also change Syria's perspective within the international community and perhaps lead Syria towards a better future. As a result, the European Union has lifted select sanctions on Syria as part of an effort to support democratic development during the country’s political transition (Al Jazeera, 2025). This suggests that the European Union is accepting the new leader of Syria and hence willing to help the country improve its current situation.

In an interview in 2024, al-Sharaa stated that the sanctions should be lifted as the civil war had ended. "Now, after all that has happened, sanctions must be lifted because they were targeted at the old regime. The victim and the oppressor should not be treated in the same way" (Bowen, 2024).

This statement by the current president of Syria shows that the country desires recognition and participation in the international community. His positive remarks also indicate a wish to distinguish himself from previous Syrian presidents and show a willingness to cooperate with Western allies. This could help the country get back on the right track and assist in combating terrorism in West Asia.

However, despite the positive reactions and factors surrounding this move, this particular act is also debated in the international system. According to VOA News (2025), al-Sharaa was the leader of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham or HTS, a U.S.-designated terrorist group, that spearheaded the campaign in December to take control of Damascus. Since he was recognized as a terrorist, the US has placed a bounty of $10 million on al-Sharaa, but it was removed recently because of the recent events. Moreover, Trump has described the Syrian president as “Good and an attractive guy,” a statement that gained worldwide attention. All these incidents and statements could make the USA appear opportunistic and unreliable due to this move. Additionally, given the past few events revealed by the USA, this particular move can also be interpreted as Trump seeing world affairs only as opportunities and deals.

Nonetheless, the main question that arises next is: why is the USA taking such a risk by trusting Syria and al-Sharaa? John Cohen, a former Department of Homeland Security undersecretary of intelligence, remarked the following, which shows the motive of the USA in dropping the sanctions.

“The United States has no choice but to engage with al-Sharaa, explaining that a stable Syria is vital to the entire Middle East region…"We have to engage," Cohen said. "There are other powers, like China and Russia, who would be more than happy to assert geopolitical control over the region. So, it's in our interest not to have that occur" (Hutchinson, 2025).

Additionally, this move will create a balance in the West Asian region, and it can be stated that in the 21st century, the West Asian region is one of the developing and important areas impacting world affairs. Some say that his admiration for the Saudi prince, Mohammad Bin Salman, also known as MBS, could be a potential reason why Trump agreed to lift sanctions on Syria. Thus, President Trump is in the process of rewriting US foreign policy with and of this region.

Conclusion

The relationship between the USA and Syria has been a rollercoaster ride. By analyzing the different regimes and global contexts during each one, we can see that their relationship has mostly been hostile and negative. However, recently the shift in the foreign policy of both the USA and Syria. Unlike previous regimes and administrations in both countries, it can be seen that they have now found a middle ground and are on the same page. This is a green light for their relationship and could even change the destinies of both countries, leading them out of decades of violence and hostility.

References

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A PARADOX OF POWER: Trump’s Aggressive Foreign Policy Without War

By L. M. S. Navodya

Donald J. Trump, the 45th President of the United States of America, has turned out to be one of the most polarizing figures in modern political history. His foreign policy, in particular, has been criticized as erratic, aggressive, and dangerously unilateral. From launching trade wars to walking out of international agreements, Trump’s ‘America First’ doctrine fundamentally restructured the U.S. approach to world affairs.

In spite of his combative rhetoric and diplomatic actions, Trump notably avoided traditional military conflicts and even attempted to de-escalate rising tensions, including an unexpected intervention in the recent India-Pakistan conflict following the Pahalgam attack. This paradox, however, deserves closer examination amid the flurry of criticisms.

Whitewashing Trump’s larger foreign policy legacy is not the goal of this article. Rather, it draws attention to a crucial, little-discussed trait: Trump’s unwillingness to involve the U.S. in new conflicts, despite his significant influence on the global order.

Economic nationalism, preference for bilateralism over multilateralism, and contempt for conventional diplomacy were the main tenets of Trump’s foreign policy philosophy. He withdrew from historic international agreements like the Paris Climate Accord and the Iran Nuclear Deal (JCPOA), imposed high tariffs on China, and started trade disputes with allies. Trump also criticised organisations like the World Health Organisation (WHO) and questioned mutual defence pledges, endangering North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) unity.

These actions painted a picture of a leader who was eager for conflict. However, in contrast to a number of his predecessors, Trump did not initiate any new wars. In fact, he emphasised returning American troops home and frequently voiced his disinterest in lengthy military conflicts. Thus, this strategy questions the widely held belief that an assertive foreign policy invariably results in war.

Trump’s handling of the rising tensions between India and Pakistan after the Pahalgam terrorist attack is a clear illustration of his strategy. India and Pakistan, two neighbours with nuclear weapons, were on the brink of war after the incident. Given Trump’s tough stance on terrorism and the strengthening U.S.-Indian relationship, international observers anticipated strong U.S. support for India’s military response.

Surprisingly, Trump played a more measured role. Rather than inflaming the situation, his administration engaged diplomatically with both New Delhi and Islamabad. Reports indicated that the U.S. had quietly but effectively urged restraint and encouraged backdoor talks between the two nations. Ultimately, a full-scale war was averted.

This response stood in contrast to Trump’s usual hyperbole. While the media spotlight remained on his tweets and trade tariffs, behind the scenes his administration was performing a classic de-escalation play—something reminiscent of traditional diplomacy. It was a subtle, unexpected pivot in a presidency marked by brashness and unpredictability.

Trump’s approach to the India-Pakistan crisis was not an isolated event. He consistently showed a dislike for military escalation during his presidencies. In the case of North Korea, Trump pursued diplomacy in the end, even holding historic summits with Kim Jong-un, despite engaging in a risky verbal sparring match.

A full-scale conflict with Iran was feared by many following the assassination of General Qasem Soleimani. Trump, however, favoured sanctions and rhetorical deterrence over more extensive military action.

Trump’s administration began negotiations with the Taliban in Afghanistan, setting the stage for the eventual U.S. withdrawal, which his successor carried out. Additionally, Trump mostly avoided more extensive military engagement in Syria while launching limited missile strikes in response to the use of chemical weapons.

These incidents all reveal a leader who was remarkably reluctant to increase America’s military presence overseas, even though his tone and tactics were confrontational. It could be argued that Trump’s hesitation to go to war stemmed more from a political calculation related to his domestic base than from pacifism or humanitarian concerns. He was sceptical of ‘endless wars’ that had depleted American resources and morale as part of his ‘America First’ philosophy. Trump was able to appeal to war-weary voters while saving political capital for internal and economic conflicts by avoiding military involvement.

Moreover, his preference for economic leverage—like sanctions and tariffs—offered him tools of coercion without triggering armed conflict. According to this perspective, Trump’s foreign policy was opportunistically restrained rather than dovish: aggressive in appearance but restrained in content. For years to come, Donald Trump’s foreign policy will be examined and debated. It was distinguished by an unreservedly nationalist mindset, an embrace of unpredictability, and a break from conventional U.S. diplomacy. Nonetheless, there was a constant refrain from going to war within this combative, frequently disruptive framework.

Along with other international hotspots, the post-Pahalgam mediation between India and Pakistan revealed an unexpected propensity for de-escalation and peace—at least militarily. This is not to say that Trump’s foreign policy was peaceful or conducive to world peace because most of his choices increased tensions and undermined international alliances. But to overlook the nuances of his anti-war stance is to overlook a crucial aspect of the Trump administration. Recognising contradictions is crucial to comprehending world leaders and their policies.

In many respects, Trump exemplified one: an aggressive foreign policy strategist who, in spite of his bombast, has thus far avoided involving the U.S. in new conflicts.