BEING NEUTRAL IN A WAR-TORN WORLD: Exploring Swiss Foreign Policy of Neutrality

By Sachinthani Ketakumbura

In an increasingly war-driven world, for a state to be neutral or to ‘not pick a side’ is viewed in different ways. Some might call it wisdom, some cowardice, and some might even say neutrality itself is choosing a side. Awarelogue Asian Institute had the pleasure of engaging in a fruitful conversation with the Ambassador of Switzerland to Sri Lanka and the Maldives, Her Excellency Dr. Siri Walt, on her thoughts on the foreign policy of Switzerland and much more, at her official residence on 12th May 2026.

Understanding Neutrality

Neutrality, by definition, refers to a stance adopted by a nation or state to not ally with any parties involved in a conflict. It simply means refraining from actively engaging in war, avoiding joining alliances, and treating all parties equally. It also means not supplying any mercenary troops and not allowing other states to use its territory (Neutrality (Political Relations) | Diplomacy and International Relations | Research Starters | EBSCO Research, n.d.). While understanding neutrality, it is also important to know the distinction between neutrality and non-alignment, since they are not the same. Neutrality, by definition, is when a state decides not to pick a side, whereas non-alignment falls under the same broad category but is also motivated by promoting friendly relations and peace while standing together for a common cause.

Switzerland's Neutrality: A Philosophy that Dates Back 500 Years

Switzerland’s stance on neutrality existed long before the World Wars or the Cold War. Neutrality is a philosophy that has shaped Swiss foreign policy for over 500 years. As Switzerland’s patron saint Nicholas of Flüe (also known as Brother Klaus) has said, “Do not mix in the affairs of others or ally yourself with a powerful stranger. Protect your country and do not hold yourself distant from it…” (Why Is Switzerland a Neutral Country? | Expatica, 2025).

Swiss neutrality as a foreign policy measure dates back to 1515, when the Confederates were defeated at the Battle of Marignano, and the Treaty of Westphalia (1648), during the Thirty Years’ War. However, it was at the Congress of Vienna in 1815 that this was formally recognised by the international community, and Switzerland formalized this position in 1907 by signing the Hague Convention governing the rights and obligations of neutral states in the event of war (Neutrality, n.d.).

Swiss Neutrality in Modern Times

Despite taking a stance as a neutral state, Switzerland has had to redefine its version of neutrality due to certain global conflicts. Switzerland took part in economic sanctions against Iraq during the first Gulf War in 1991, and it joined NATO's Partnership for Peace Programme in 1996, stressing the need to promote peace and security while keeping its right to withdraw when needed. In 1999, Switzerland also sent unarmed volunteers to support peacekeeping efforts in Kosovo (Neutrality, n.d.).

Looking at the proximity of the Russia-Ukraine war, the worldly implications of the Israel-Palestine conflict, and the volatile situation surrounding Iran and its West Asian neighbours, one cannot help but question the purpose of Swiss neutrality. When international law is being violated, when civilians are being killed, and when human rights are being stripped away in plain sight, does staying silent not make you complicit? While Switzerland may be perceived this way, the reality happens to be much more complex. Swiss neutrality is more of a strategy than silence. By refusing to align itself with any side, Switzerland positions itself as a state that all parties can trust, making it one of the few countries in the world capable of mediating between conflicting powers and hosting the kind of negotiations that can actually move toward peace. A country that has picked a side cannot play that role.

Most importantly, while the Swiss follow neutrality as their foreign policy, they have also been consistent and outspoken in issuing statements condemning violations of human rights across these conflicts, making clear that neutrality does not mean the absence of values or being morally indifferent, but rather the careful exercise of them.

Switzerland as a Mediator

Switzerland has played a major role as a successful mediator in global conflicts. The Swiss facilitated secret communications and hosted negotiations that led to the Evian Accords and a ceasefire agreement in the Algerian War (1961–1962). During the Cold War era, Switzerland hosted high-profile meetings, especially the 1985 Geneva Summit between Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev, which signaled a thaw in the Cold War (Tognina, 2024).

At present, Switzerland acts more as a messenger or go-between for countries with severed or strained diplomatic relations. Switzerland has agreed to represent the interests of the USA in the cases of Venezuela and Iran. In the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the Swiss government also offered to represent Ukraine's interests in Russia, a proposal reiterated by the Swiss President to the Russian Foreign Minister in 2022 (Tognina, 2024).

This shift from the role of mediator to messenger is a result of the fact that international bodies like the United Nations are now the primary drivers of conflict resolution, even if the UN’s efficiency in mitigating certain conflicts is being questioned at present. Swiss foreign policy focuses on maintaining basic diplomatic channels, which is part of Switzerland’s ‘good offices’ tradition, and is often driven by a combination of humanitarian values and national self-interest (Tognina, 2024).

The Paradox of Having an Army: Armed Neutrality

Switzerland’s decision to have an active army is another interesting debate. Despite having a neutral foreign policy, what does it really mean to have an army if you are not going to war? Switzerland practises the policy of ‘armed neutrality’ by maintaining an active military. Neutrality alone is not a guarantee of peace. Thus, armed neutrality is a way of deterring potential attackers while maintaining neutral status. Having an active army also allows the Swiss military to actively contribute to global peace under the Swiss Constitution. In a 2001 referendum, the Swiss electorate narrowly voted in favour of arming Swiss military personnel deployed in peacebuilding missions (Neutrality, n.d.).

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, considering its geographical proximity, makes the threat of invasion or possible attacks from outside a very real concern. It is therefore inevitable that the Swiss government take steps to protect its territory and citizens should it ever come to that. This reality has led to a renewed focus on military readiness and an increase in the defence budget to address gaps in equipment and infrastructure that resulted from decades of peace (Admin Hit, 2025).

Neutrality, as Switzerland has demonstrated for over 500 years, is neither simple nor passive. It is a deliberate choice by a nation to position itself as a space for mediation and negotiation in a time of global conflict. With Geneva serving as the headquarters for some of the world’s most important human rights institutions, Switzerland, both by action and by symbol, does not look away from violations of human rights. It condemns what is happening in this complex global order. Swiss neutrality is about being a state that keeps the door open for everyone, for the sake of peace in the long run.

References

Admin_Hit. (2025, October 28). The Swiss military: How a neutral country prepares for war. -. https://howitticks.ch/podcast/mathias-muller-swiss-military/

Neutrality. (n.d.). https://www.aboutswitzerland.eda.admin.ch/en/neutrality

Neutrality (political relations) | Diplomacy and International Relations | Research Starters | EBSCO Research. (n.d.). EBSCO. https://www.ebsco.com/research-starters/diplomacy-and-international-relations/neutrality-political-relations

Tognina, A. (2024, January 28). Switzerland as a mediator – the successes and failures. SWI swissinfo.ch. https://www.swissinfo.ch/eng/politics/switzerland-as-a-mediator-the-successes-and-failures/48073942

Why is Switzerland a neutral country? | Expatica. (2025, April 23). Expatica Switzerland. https://www.expatica.com/ch/moving/society-history/neutral-switzerland-107842/

STRENGTHENING SRI LANKA-ITALY RELATIONS THROUGH CULTURAL DIPLOMACY

By Arosh C. De Silva

Sri Lanka and the Italian Republic have maintained close diplomatic, economic, and cultural ties since the establishment of formal relations in the early 1950s. Sri Lanka’s global engagement with Italy has seen much potential as a key partner on the path towards strong cooperation on the world stage. Yet within the relations, cultural diplomatic cooperation is yet to be fully mobilised as a tool of diplomacy. This articles endeavours to highlight the opportunities that exist. It highlights the importance of cultural diplomacy solidarity in Italy-Sri Lanka relations and offers insights into how cultural diplomacy can be further strengthened in bilateral relations.

A need for cultural solidarity

Dating back several centuries, Italy and Sri Lanka have maintained close political and trade links and have long enjoyed good relations, which have been characterised by close economic, political, social and cultural ties. Italy’s expanding diplomatic, cultural, and economic engagement with Sri Lanka has been highlighted through diplomatic visits and the signing of agreements that point to a strategic deepening of ties.

Among the most recent, the governments of Sri Lanka and Italy formally renewed the Bilateral Agreement for the Mutual Recognition of Driving Licences, reaffirming cooperation between the two countries in December 2025. The Driving License Agreement further strengthens the bilateral relations and that facility has been highly welcomed by the large Sri Lankan diaspora living and working in Italy, as it has improved job prospects and future employment opportunities, allowing them to contribute more effectively as a productive expatriate community.

The visit of Italy’s Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Maria Tripodi, to Sri Lanka in September 2025, marked a significant strengthening in Sri Lanka’s evolving foreign relations with Italy. The visit included high-level discussions with Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya and Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, and was aimed at bilateral cooperation across cultural, education, and economic (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Foreign Employment and Tourism, Sri Lanka). A key highlight of the visit was the signing of ‘Memorandum of Understanding on the Establishment of a Political Consultations Mechanism’, marking a step towards strengthening bilateral ties and diplomatic engagement, at the beginning of what officials describe as a ‘new institutional chapter’ in bilateral relations (Lanka News Web, 2025).

With this background of bilateral relations, which addressed more collaborative mechanisms, the calls for strengthening cultural diplomacy remains a potential avenue for a further deepening of the longstanding ties. In today’s interdependent world system, there has been a growing recognition of the potential of Soft Power. This concept of Soft Power which was introduced by Joseph Nye, to describe the ability of one country to shape the attitudes of another (Nye, 2004), is widely used by countries in their relationships with foreign nations. Herein cultural diplomacy is often viewed as a strategic instrument for projecting a nation's identity and values on the global stage, thereby influencing how other countries perceive its foreign policy objectives.

For Milton C. Cummings, cultural diplomacy, was “the exchange of ideas, information, art, and other aspects of culture among nations and their peoples in order to foster mutual understanding” (UNESCO, 2022). At its core, cultural diplomacy involves the exchange of ideas, art, language, music, cinema, fashion, architecture and other cultural aspects between nations to build bridges and enhance relationships and image abroad. It enables nations to influence global perceptions. In that context, how can Sri Lanka and Italy advance relations by using cultural diplomacy as an effective tool? To address this question, several ideas could be suggested to enhance bilateral relations.

Building bridges through language and education exchanges

For Italy, the cultural soft power promoted through cultural diplomacy has always been an important foreign policy instrument (Medici, 2019). Culture is an essential part of Italy’s identity, making its image abroad, as the Italian language represents a key principle of Italy’s foreign policy (Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation). Such an area can be collaboratively strengthened further with Sri Lanka, to establish more meaningful and deeper bilateral relations.

Sri Lanka, with its rich cultural heritage, beaches, wildlife and authentic experiences, was ranked among the top 10 destinations to travel to in 2025 by BBC Travel’s inaugural guide to the world’s top travel spots (Rizkiya, 2025). Sri Lanka has quietly captivated travellers for decades, and according to the Sri Lanka Tourism Development Authority, 43,948 tourists from Italy arrived in Sri Lanka up to November 2025, out of a total of 2,103,593 international tourists in 2025.

Italy is also home to a significant Sri Lankan expatriate community of which 102,906 Sri Lankans legally reside in Italy. They represent the 11th largest community of non-European citizenship (Report on the Sri Lankan Community in Italy, 2022). This highlights the need for strong partnership and collaboration in the spheres of linguistic and cultural exchange which have potential to deepen the dynamic and mutually rewarding relationship between two countries.

The ability to communicate in the Italian language is not only essential to the Sri Lankan diaspora in Italy, but it is important to communicate with Italians effectively, and to interact with Italians visiting Sri Lanka. Italy has the 8th largest economy in the world, and is ranked third among the European economic powers. For Sri Lanka, collaborating more with Italy is essential to achieve its tourism-oriented economy as well as for foreign revenue.

In the education sector, it is found that a significant number of migrants arrive in Italy with the purpose of higher studies. There are a number of scholarship programmes offered by the Italian government (Embassy of Italy in Colombo), and as a European Union member state, Italy funds the Erasmus scholarship programme, which underscores Italy’s cultural exchanges at the educational level. This strengthens a range of collaborations in intellectual exchange, in education. Such initiatives for the younger generation, while fostering international student exchanges at all levels between Italy and Sri Lanka, can be implemented as consistent long-term partnerships, sharing the two countries' deep understanding. The exchange of persons is an important basis for enhancing mutual understanding among different cultures and strengthening relationships with foreign countries.

Herein, education can become an asset and contribute to a country’s attractiveness. Providing financial assistance and scholarships in order to expand influence of culture and language improves the strong bond between bilateral relations and improve its image internationally. Therefore, expanding language educational networks supports Italy’s diplomacy and helps Sri Lanka too.

Application of cultural partnerships

In the cultural sphere, the Italian Embassy in Sri Lanka promotes Italian culture through various collaborations, enhancing mutual understanding between Italy and Sri Lanka. Introducing Italian culture, cinema, and performances, as well as Italian cuisine, fashion, and architecture, to Sri Lanka, and introducing Sri Lanka's rich culture to Italy, is a clear mode of cultural exchange that can be collaboratively developed to foster a deep understanding of lifestyles and build deep trust. It could enhance tourism, support cultural policy initiatives and indirectly influence trade and education as well. The key is designing programmes that align with broader state objectives. Cultural diplomacy is not just about showcasing beauty. When applied thoughtfully, even the local batik tradition, Sanni and Kolam masks and traditional dancing can become instruments of national strategy.

Italian cinema, with its artistic emotional depth, has captivated audiences worldwide. Through their masterpieces, Italy has showcased its culture, history and society values. Thus, Italy’s cinematic productions not only entertain they also become tools of cultural diplomacy, creating bridges between Italy and the world. This has enhanced international relationships and understanding through the universal language of film.

Italy has a long history of rich culture and is one of the countries that has placed great importance on fostering its culture abroad. In the Brand Finance Global Soft Power Index 2025, which evaluates all 193 member states of the United Nations (Jagodzinski, 2025) based on international influence through culture, business, and diplomacy, Italy maintains its strong position at 9th position out of 193 countries, indicating a consistent and powerful global influence.

With several medals including products and brands the world loves – ‘Culture & Heritage’, ‘Food the World Loves’, ‘Great Place to Visit’, and ‘Friendly’, Italy leads its rich culture in reshaping perceptions of its global standing. (Brand Finance Global Soft Power Index, 2025) which highlights Italy’s way of forward as a global influence in the context of soft power.

Italian cooking has been awarded special cultural heritage status by the United Nations' cultural agency, UNESCO (BBC, 2025). Italian cuisine is more than just food. It is a global cultural phenomenon, from pasta to pizza, it beautifully connects people, creating a shared sense of enjoyment. If the two countries start food exhibitions, leveraging Italian food culture in Sri Lanka, that would create more economic opportunities by embracing the Italian world heritage food culture among those who are enthusiastic on leveraging collaboration in cuisine.

When a country showcases its cultural heritage through exhibitions, performances, awareness programmes or educational programmes abroad, it can create a favourable image that can touch people’s emotions and values, shaping their perceptions of the country’s broader diplomatic intentions. The key to strengthening bilateral relations is addressing the lack of an Italian cultural institute in Sri Lanka and establishing a cultural centre that promotes collaborative projects and events, which could significantly benefit both countries and lead to more economic opportunities and a better understanding of diplomatic objectives.

Strengthening the digital platform and dialogues

In this globalised 21st century, the presence of digital platforms and media are essential for the promotion of culture, leveraging diplomatic networks among the international community. It is important to mention that with digital platforms there is capacity to reach a wider audience and achieve consistent and long-term outcomes. For example, the Sri Lankan diaspora in Italy, contributes to Italian society while maintaining good cultural links with their homeland, Sri Lanka. Through social media, many Sri Lankans share creative ideas and Italian culture with Sri Lankan society, promoting Italian content in an effective framework. Moreover, the promotion of dialogue between Italy and Sri Lanka, and promoting research on Italy and Sri Lanka’s politics, foreign policy, economy, culture, and society, deepens understanding about the two countries. Such measures are also important in developing collaborative initiatives, which open more opportunities for both countries. It contributes to the development of a positive attitude towards the country and to a broader application of the soft power in the present stage. Creating friendly networks that help bridge diverse and open new pathways toward cooperation.

Conclusion

Soft power can be very useful for a country, as it can achieve its goals simply because others admire and are influenced by it. This is the reason why, in the context of soft power, cultural diplomacy is very important. As a developing country, Sri Lanka has more measures that are required and much greater effort to achieve the economic progress of Italy, but these two countries are culturally diverse and have been diplomatically cordial towards each other since the establishment of diplomatic ties. Thus, soft power needs to be leveraged for the advancement of both countries’ ties.

Cultural diplomacy represents a tool in strengthening Sri Lanka-Italy bilateral relations. While economic and strategic cooperation remains important, culture provides a human-centred approach that builds trust, goodwill, and long-lasting partnerships between the two countries. By investing more systematically in cultural diplomacy, both countries can strengthen their bilateral relationship, enhance mutual understanding, and contribute positively to people-to-people connections in an increasingly interconnected world.

References

Cultural Diplomacy. (n.d.). Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation. https://www.esteri.it/en/diplomazia-culturale-e-diplomazia-scientifica/cultura/

Cummings, M. C. (2009, June 26). Cultural Diplomacy and the United States Government: A Survey. Americans for the Arts (formerly Center for Arts and Culture). https://www.americansforthearts.org/by-program/reports-and-data/legislation-policy/naappd/cultural-diplomacy-and-the-united-states-government-a-survey

Global Soft Power Index 2025. (2025). https://www.ucg.ac.me/skladiste/blog_45671/objava_195259/fajlovi/Global%20Soft%20Power%20Index%202025.pdf

Italy Sri Lanka Bilateral Relation. (n.d.). The Embassy of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka - Italy. https://srilankaembassyrome.org/sri-lanka-profile/italy-sri-lanka-bilateral-relation/

Italy’s Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation to visit Sri Lanka. (2025, September). Lanka News Web. https://lankanewsweb.net/archives/123966/italys-deputy-minister-for-foreign-affairs-and-international-cooperation-to-visit-sri-lanka/

Jagodzinski, K. (2025, February). Global Soft Power Index 2025: The shifting balance of global Soft Power. Frand Finance. https://brandfinance.com/insights/global-soft-power-index-2025-the-shifting-balance-of-global-soft-power

Medici, L. (2019). Italy’s Cultural Diplomacy: From Propaganda to Cultural Cooperation. Świat Idei i Polityki, 18(2).

Monthly Tourists Arrivals Report: A Monthly Snapshot of International Arrivals to Sri Lanka from Immigration Statistics November 2025 (Monthly Tourist Arrivals Report). (2025). Sri lanka tourism Development Authority. https://www.sltda.gov.lk/storage/common_media/Monthly_Tourits_Arrivals_Report-November-2025-Final.pdf

Nye, J. S. (2004). SOFT POWER The Means to Success in World Politics. United States PublicAffairs. https://www.almendron.com/tribuna/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/joseph-s-nye-jr-soft-power.pdf

Prime Minister meets Italian Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation. (2025, September). News.Lk. https://news.lk/current-affairs/prime-minister-meets-italian-under-secretary-of-state-for-foreign-affairs-and-international-cooperation

Rizkiya, N. (2025, January 18). Sri Lanka ranked 9th best destination to travel in 2025 in BBC’s first-ever travel guide. Daily Mirror Online. https://www.dailymirror.lk/breaking-news/Sri-Lanka-ranked-9th-best-destination-to-travel-in-2025-in-BBCs-first-ever-travel-guide/108-300378

Scholarships offered by the Italian Government. (2025, April). Italian Embassy in Colombo. https://ambcolombo.esteri.it/en/news/dall_ambasciata/2025/04/scholarships-offered-by-the-italian-government/#:~:text=Please%20find%20at%20the%20following,courses%20eligible%20for%20the%20scholarships.

Sri Lanka and Italy renew Bilateral Agreement for Mutual Recognition of Driving Licenses. (2025, December). Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Foreign Employment and Tourism - Sri Lanka. https://mfa.gov.lk/en/sri-lanka-and-italy-renew-bilateral-agreement-for-mutual-recognition-of-driving-licenses/#:~:text=The%20agreement%20was%20first%20signed,Consular%20Affairs%20Division

Sri Lanka and Italy Successfully Concludes Inaugural Political Consultations. (2025, September). Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Foreign Employment and Tourism - Sri Lanka. https://mfa.gov.lk/en/sri-lanka-and-italy-successfully-concludes-inaugural-political-consultations/#:~:text=%E0%B6%8B%E0%B6%B4%E0%B6%AF%E0%B7%9A%E0%B7%81%E0%B6%B1%20%E0%B7%83%E0%B7%8F%E0%B6%9A%E0%B6%A0%E0%B7%8A%E0%B6%A1%E0%B7%8F%20%E0%B6%86%E0%B6%BB%E0%B6%B8%E0%B7%8A%E0%B6%B7%20%E0%B6%9A%E0%B7%92%E0%B6%BB%E0%B7%93%E0%B6%B8%E0%B6%A7%20%E0%B6%B4%E0%B7%99%E0%B6%BB,%E0%B6%AF%20%E0%B7%84%E0%B6%B8%E0%B7%94%E0%B7%80%E0%B7%93%20%E0%B6%B5%E0%B6%BD%E0%B6%AF%E0%B7%8F%E0%B6%BA%E0%B7%93%20%E0%B7%83%E0%B7%8F%E0%B6%9A%E0%B6%A0%E0%B7%8A%E0%B6%A1%E0%B7%8F%20%E0%B6%B4%E0%B7%90%E0%B7%80%E0%B7%90%E0%B6%AD%E0%B7%8A%E0%B7%80%E0%B7%93%E0%B6%BA.

Sri Lankan Community in Italy Report 2022. (n.d.). https://integrazionemigranti.gov.it/AnteprimaPDF.aspx?id=6159

The Role of UNESCO in Sustaining Cultural Diversity. (2014, June 19). USC Center on Public Diplomacy. https://uscpublicdiplomacy.org/story/role-unesco-sustaining-cultural-diversity

CHINA – SRI LANKA RELATIONS: A New Chapter Opened in 2025

By Tharushika Peelikumbura and Yohan Soyza

In September 2024, Sri Lankans experienced a significant political shift in the country. 76 years of governance led by the United National Party, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and its alliance, and later the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna, were rejected by the public. The National People’s Power won the presidential and parliamentary elections within two months. With that a new era of Sri Lankan politics began, and this article attempts to focus on a new era in China-Sri Lanka bilateral relations.

Newly elected Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake paid a four-day state visit to the People’s Republic of China from 14 to 17 January 2025. The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Foreign Employment, and Tourism, Vijitha Herath, the Minister of Transport, Highways, Ports, and Civil Aviation, Bimal Rathnayake and the Director General of Government Information, H. S. K. J. Bandara were seen joining the visit with Dissanayake. The four-day state visit included meetings with Chinese President Xi Jinping, Premier Li Qiang and Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress of China Zhao Leji and others. The visit was significant for the relations between the two countries as the Sri Lankan delegation met high-ranking members from the Chinese Communist Party, signaling increased cooperation in the future.

Key Diplomatic Objectives

1. Reaffirmation of the One China Policy

During his visit to the People’s Republic of China (PRC), President Dissanayake reaffirmed Sri Lanka’s continuous support for the One China Policy, recognizing the PRC as the only legitimate China that exists. He also assured his commitment not to allow Sri Lanka’s territory to be used for any anti-Chinese activities. This stance is aligned with Sri Lanka’s strong diplomatic relations with China since the 1950s (Kuruwita, 2025), and stronger than ever before since President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s time in the office from 2005 to 2015.

2. Strengthening Economic and Strategic Ties

This state visit aimed to strengthen strategic and economic ties between the two nations. Several agreements were signed to advance the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects, strengthen trade and investment, and promote cooperation in areas such as education, climate action and agriculture. China also pledged to support Sri Lanka’s debt restructuring efforts and encourage investments in areas such as green development and logistics (Kuruwita, 2025; Xinhua, 2025).

Both parties emphasized the importance of the cultural ties as mentioned in the joint statement between China and Sri Lanka, released in January 2025. Education and research were seen as significant opportunities to enhance cultural ties, as both parties promised to encourage more exchanges of students, teachers and researchers. China stated they welcome committed Sri Lankan students to pursue higher studies in China by providing them government scholarships, which will be a great chance for Sri Lankan students who wish to pursue their higher studies in a foreign university. China will also work with Sri Lanka to implement the Luban Workshop to create more professionals through vocational and technical training in Sri Lanka (Joint Statement between China and Sri Lanka, 2025)

3. Positioning within Global South multilateral frameworks

China and Sri Lanka emphasized global development initiatives and multilateralism. Both countries agreed to support each other by strengthening coordination and cooperation within large multilateral bodies like the United Nations Organization (UNO), and also to give focus on global issues such as climate change (Xinhua, 2025). Sri Lanka also seeks to leverage China’s BRI for development purposes and navigate risks in debt and regional power dynamics. The BRI is a great opportunity for Sri Lanka to enhance its network and connect with other partnering countries of the BRI.

Strategic Cooperation Areas

1. Development in Infrastructure

A major area of cooperation between the two countries includes infrastructure development, which is mainly led by the BRI. Notable projects in Sri Lanka include the Colombo Port City project and Hambantota Port. These projects can play a crucial role in Sri Lanka’s economic development and turn the island nation into a regional hub of business, transportation and maritime logistics if managed properly (Kuruwita, 2025; Xinhua, 2025). Table 1 provides an overview of the current ongoing Chinese projects in Sri Lanka.

2. BRI Project Advancement

The state visit also highlighted the importance of continuing BRI projects in Sri Lanka. China promised strong support for Sri Lanka’s economic development, sovereignty, and independence. Both countries also signed 15 new agreements covering areas including economic development, education, media, culture, infrastructure, agriculture, digital economy, and marine economy. President Xi emphasized the importance of fostering new highlights and high-quality cooperation within the BRI while building a community of shared future with Sri Lanka. In response, Sri Lanka pledged to further deepen regional connectivity and welcome more Chinese investments. This collaboration also includes infrastructure development and other forms of multilateral cooperation addressing climate change, demonstrating the expanding scope and depth of bilateral relations (Desheng, 2025).

3. Investment in Maritime Infrastructure

Sri Lanka and China have multiple agreements on developing maritime infrastructure under the BRI projects. These projects include Hambantota International Port (HPI), aiming to make Sri Lanka a major maritime hub in the Indian Ocean Region by providing services such as port, energy, marine and port investment (Hambantota International Port Group, n.d.). The project also aims to create job opportunities that are estimated at around 50,000. However, since 2017, Sri Lanka has leased the port for 99 years to China Merchants Ports Holding Company (CMPort) in a debt-for-equity swap deal. Therefore, Sri Lankan decision-makers should work carefully and maintain high standards to maximize the benefits currently earning.

The Colombo Port City Project is another key project located on reclaimed land from the sea. The project is handled by the China Harbour Engineering Company (CHEC) (CHEC Port City Colombo (Pvt) Ltd - Sri Lanka, n.d.). The China Merchants Ports Holding Company (CMPH) operates the Colombo International Container Terminals (CICT) as a joint venture company with the Sri Lanka Port Authority (SLPA). The CICT is the only deep-water port in South Asia at the moment, and they also aim to increase the capacity of the terminal and manage the container traffic (Details Business Areas, 2018).

4. Economic Collaboration

This includes increasing trade and investment, promoting agricultural cooperation, and developing digital economy partnerships, as it is one of the fastest-developing sectors globally, contributing over 15% to global GDP (Wignaraja and De Zylva, 2018). China has also agreed to assist Sri Lanka in debt restructuring, education, tourism development, logistics and green development (Kuruwita, 2025). China is also focusing on a free trade agreement (FTA) with Sri Lanka, as they already reached one recently with the Maldives (Shivamurthy, 2025).

5. $3.7 billion Sinopec Oil Refinery Project in Hambantota

As a major point of President Dissanayake’s 2025 visit to China, both nations agreed to a $3.7 billion oil refinery project in Hambantota, Sri Lanka. Sinopec will lead this project as decided after a bidding process. This step indicates a shift towards partnerships based on investment rather than financial loans (Moramudali and Chen, 2025).

6. Renewal of Currency Swap Agreement

During the state visit two nations agreed on a currency swap renewal. This is a pivotal point of Sri Lanka’s debt restructuring and economic stabilizing process, and it will also enhance economic cooperation between the two old friends (Kuruwita, 2025).

7. Expanding Trade and Investment

Both countries are highly focused on expanding trade and investment to provide a more friendly business atmosphere for Chinese enterprises in Sri Lanka. Digital transformation, green development, and logistics are the main aspects to be focused on (Kuruwita, 2025; Xinhua, 2025)

Table 1 above indicates that China’s main focus on infrastructure projects in Sri Lanka was mainly on roads, airports, seaports, energy, the telecommunication sector and water supply projects. By investing in such infrastructure projects, China created interdependencies and leveraged them significantly. Sri Lanka, as a strategic point in the Indian Ocean, could be pivotal for China to ensure its regional power balance in South Asia. But during the civil war times, China emerged as a major donor and development partner (Shivamurthy, 2025), proving China’s caring role for Global South partners. The authors assume that providing development assistance is not just a strategic step, it is also a significant priority of uplifting the global south partners while developing itself, as China is doing. If the public could understand this with an open mind, this might be seen as a positive opportunity to develop the country.

What is important is that the Sri Lankan policymakers need to carefully manage Chinese development loans to gain the maximum benefits. In this case, transparency is very important as the government officials are responsible for every decision they take on behalf of the public, and the decisions need to be transparent to the public. Evaluating and reporting each project is also crucial as they can be used to plan future projects carefully.

Geopolitical Context

As President Anura Kumara Dissanayake sets out on a strategic partnership with China, the geopolitical context surrounding this initiative cannot be overlooked. The Indian Ocean remains significant for international relations, and Sri Lanka's geographical position makes it a critical player in the balance of power among regional powers. Sri Lanka must therefore navigate its aspirations cautiously, serving both its national interests and the demands of powerful neighbouring countries.

1. Balancing Relations with Regional Powers

By reaffirming its ties with China, Sri Lanka finds itself seeking a delicate balance between India and China, two strong neighbours. Sri Lankan leadership often emphasizes the need for a non-aligned foreign policy, which allows it to engage with both nations without compromising its sovereignty. A diplomatic quote that describes this approach is from Dissanayake himself in which he notes that "We thrive best when our partnerships create opportunities for all parties involved." (Deccan Herald, 2025).

2. Strategic Positioning in the Indian Ocean

The Indian Ocean is becoming increasingly significant for trade routes and military presence. Sri Lanka's decision to strengthen ties with China under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) will likely enhance its strategic location in the region. China’s investments in maritime infrastructure aim to secure its maritime silk route, while Sri Lanka benefits from development and trade opportunities (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China, 2025). The growth in maritime infrastructure could lead to increased ship traffic through the Colombo harbour, thereby significantly boosting the Sri Lankan economy (Global Times, 2025).

3. Diplomatic Support in International Forums

In the face of global challenges, Sri Lanka's collaboration with China also opens avenues for diplomatic backing in international forums. China's weight in the United Nations and other multilateral organizations provides an opportunity for Sri Lanka to express its interests more clearly (Sunday Times, 2021). This collaboration may come in the form of backing during discussions related to climate change, economic development, and regional security matters, aligning with China's global objectives while benefiting Sri Lanka’s international standing.

Recommended Policy Actions

For Sri Lanka to fully gain the benefits of its deepening relationship with China, several policy actions have been highlighted by scholars and policy institutes. Firstly, diversifying economic partnerships is essential. While Chinese collaborations offer significant opportunities, overdependence poses long-term risks. Strengthening ties with ASEAN countries, the European Union, and India can enhance economic resilience and geopolitical balance (Observer Research Foundation, 2025). Secondly, leveraging Chinese investments strategically can catalyze broader development. Beyond infrastructure, Sri Lanka can use these investments to expand sectors like energy, technology, and manufacturing, provided the projects are managed with transparency and long-term sustainability in mind (Global Times, 2025). Thirdly, maintaining diplomatic flexibility is crucial. A dynamic foreign policy that balances relations with both China and India, while promoting regional multilateralism, can help Sri Lanka navigate shifting geopolitical dynamics (Gateway House, 2025).

Amidst these high-level strategies, several modest yet impactful actions remain underutilized. One such initiative is the formation of an independent Foreign Investment Impact Assessment Taskforce, including members from civil society, academia, and business, to review and publicly brief on major bilateral projects, thereby increasing transparency and public trust. Additionally, bilingual digital dashboards that track project progress, financial flows, and social outcomes could facilitate data-driven adjustments and citizen engagement. The government could also embed policy nudges into contracts, such as local hiring quotas, incentives for technology transfer, and environmental safeguards, all achievable without extensive legislative overhaul. Finally, introducing foreign policy literacy modules in secondary education would help cultivate a more informed and globally aware generation. These grassroots-oriented actions are low-cost, culturally resonant, and politically feasible, yet they often remain sidelined in favor of grand diplomatic visions.

Potential Challenges

While the prospects of deepening relations with China appear promising, several well-documented challenges must be carefully managed. First, navigating regional power dynamics is crucial, as tensions between China and India over territorial disputes continue to escalate. Sri Lanka must tread carefully to avoid being drawn into broader geopolitical rivalries (Foreign Policy, 2024). Second, ensuring balanced international relations is vital. Strengthening ties with China should not come at the expense of alienating other key international partners, and a nuanced foreign policy is required to maintain this equilibrium (Deccan Herald, 2025). Third, the issue of maintaining economic sovereignty remains pressing. The influx of Chinese investments, while beneficial in the short term, may compromise Sri Lanka’s long-term control over strategic sectors unless protective mechanisms are in place (Chatham House, 2020).

Beyond these widely acknowledged strategic concerns, Sri Lanka also faces a set of more localized, systemic challenges that could quietly erode the benefits of foreign engagement. Entrenched bureaucratic inefficiencies often stall the implementation of large-scale agreements, regardless of high-level diplomatic progress. Additionally, the politicization of foreign investments, where projects become mired in domestic party politics, can cause mismanagement, public opposition, or abandonment. Another underappreciated challenge is the limited institutional capacity to enforce environmental, labor, and transparency standards in megaprojects funded by foreign entities. This gap can lead to exploitation, unequal benefits, and environmental harm. Furthermore, low levels of public awareness regarding the long-term implications of international partnerships hinder civic engagement and accountability. If left unaddressed, these domestic vulnerabilities risk undermining even the most strategically sound bilateral initiatives.

Conclusion

The strategic visit of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to China marked a significant milestone in the evolution of China-Sri Lanka relations. By deepening cooperation across multiple areas, reaffirming key diplomatic objectives, and maintaining a proactive diplomatic stance, Sri Lanka is poised to enhance its standing in the regional and global arena.

The evolving partnership between Sri Lanka and China presents a landscape rich with opportunity, but not without complexity. As strategic initiatives continue to deepen bilateral ties, Sri Lanka must remain vigilant in safeguarding its economic sovereignty, institutional integrity, and regional balance. The recent political transition signals a willingness to reset foreign policy priorities, but genuine success will depend not only on high-level diplomacy but also on transparent governance, inclusive development, and civic accountability.

In this significant chapter of its international engagement, Sri Lanka has the chance to reshape its role in the Indo-Pacific and the Global South. Whether it emerges as a strategic bridge or becomes strategically bridged over will depend on how well it can balance cooperation with caution, vision with vigilance. And here’s something to think about. If foreign partnerships are designed to build the nation’s future, should the people of that nation not be more actively involved in shaping how those partnerships unfold?

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From Estrangement to Re-engagement: Charting the Evolution of US-Syria Relations (1971-Present)

By Nishali Ranasinghe

Introduction

The year 2025 has been a year of significant geopolitical changes. President Trump’s recent visit to West Asia stands out as an event that could alter the course of American history. Of all the incidents that occurred during his first foreign trip after being elected president for the second time, the announcement of dropping sanctions on Syria took the world by surprise. This is because the relationship between these two countries has never been peaceful. Several factors can help us understand why this is so. Thus, this article focuses on the history between the two countries during different regimes, the current status of their relationship, and the reaction from the international community.

The Evolution of US-Syria Relations: A Historical Overview of the Presidential Policies

Syria gained independence from the French on April 17, 1946, after World War II. Thereafter, Syria faced widespread instability in its political, economic, social, and religious sectors, resulting in a fragmented country with little progress. Amidst this chaos, Hafez al-Assad became President of Syria and ruled the country from 1971 to 2000. Assad set about building up the Syrian military with Soviet aid and gaining the loyalty of the Syrian populace with public works funded by Arab donors and international lending institutions (Britannica, n.d.). It was stated that he carried an authoritarian rule, yet some people praised him for bringing stability to the country. However, during this single presidency in Syria, there were several U.S. presidents who were at the helm in America.

From 1970 to 1974, during Richard Nixon's presidency, Assad tried to get closer to the Soviet Union instead of the U.S., which strained relations between the two countries. However, despite the lack of a positive relationship with the U.S., the U.S. still backed the disengagement agreement negotiated between Syria and Israel after their conflict.

During Gerald Ford’s tenure, there were no specific interactions with the Assad Regime. Similarly, during the tenure of Jimmy Carter (1977-1981), there were major changes in the relationship between the USA and Syria.

According to Wright (2017), when Jimmy Carter met Assad in Geneva in 1977, to explore prospects for a U.S.-Soviet conference on Middle East peace, Assad had demanded the return of territory seized by Israel and strategic parity for the Arab world. The disagreements over the expectations and policies of the two countries made their connection stale, and as a result, in the year of 1979, Syria was added to the list of states sponsoring terrorism as the country was believed to support the Palestinian militant groups. According to Uddin (2025), a number of financial restrictions, a ban on US foreign aid, and an arms embargo were included as sanctions.

During Ronald Reagan’s tenure (1981-1989), the relationship between the two countries worsened. Tensions between Reagan and Assad turned openly hostile after Israel’s 1982 invasion of Lebanon, where Syria had thousands of troops deployed (Wright, 2017). Additionally, further restrictions were imposed by the Reagan administration in 1986, including the banning of Syrian aircraft from landing in the US (Uddin, 2025).

From 1989 to 1993, during the regime of George H. W. Bush, the relationship between the two countries changed positively, mainly due to the Gulf War. Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in 1990 allowed Syria to join the US-led coalition to free Kuwait from the invasion. During this period, there were a few notable changes that improved Syria's image.

At the same time, Syria's doors were flung open to Saudi Arabia and the Arab states of the Persian Gulf, whose governments had been unhappy with Syria's support of Iran. This was a significant step toward broadening Syria's focus on regional diplomacy, building a new alliance system, and opening up to the United States and the West following the retrenchment of the former Soviet Union. Most significantly, these moves led to Syria's entry, for the first time ever, into face-to-face negotiations with Israel. Not only did Syria drop its insistence on an international peace conference under UN sponsorship, but it also contributed to creating the psychological prerequisites for successful bilateral negotiations with Israel (Muslih, 1998).

Even during Bill Clinton's presidency (1993-2001), Syria continued to participate in the Middle East peace process. His motive was to keep Syria out of trouble. This helped Syria stay on good terms with the U.S. and Arab nations, making it a defensive strategy of his time. However, in the year 2000, Hafez al-Assad passed away, resulting in his son, Bashar al-Assad, ruling the country for the next 24 years (2000-2024). During his tenure, Bill Clinton was in his final years, and Bashar al-Assad managed to have a cordial relationship with the US. Nevertheless, the relationship between George W. Bush (2001-2009) and Bashar al-Assad can be described as gradually strained.

Initially, both regimes cooperated and worked towards ‘war on terror’ after the 9/11 attacks. Zisser (2003) stated that the Syrian intelligence cooperated with the United States in pursuit of cells from al-Qaeda and offered to assist the United States in its investigations. Bashar made a special effort to guarantee that no suspicion fell on Syria for involvement in the September 11 attacks, and because of this move, the Americans expressed gratitude to the Syrians for their assistance, and President Bush even called Bashar al-Assad to thank him. However, in 2004, the George W. Bush administration accused Syria of possessing weapons of mass destruction, supporting militant groups in the region (including Hezbollah and Hamas), and destabilizing Iraq and Lebanon (Uddin, 2025). This could be proved by the following statement made by President Bush on the Assad regime: "My patience ran out on President Assad a long time ago," Bush said. "The reason why is because he houses Hamas, he facilitates Hezbollah, suiciders go from his country into Iraq, and he destabilizes Lebanon," Bush said (Spetalnick, 2007).

Additionally, Syria also continued to conduct business as usual in granting aid and safe haven to Palestinian terrorist organizations, including Hamas and Islamic Jihad. Ramadan Shallah, Islamic Jihad’s Damascus-based leader, continued to take responsibility for attacks on Israel in statements issued from Damascus. And of course, Syria continued to foster its strategic alliance with Iran and also its ties with North Korea. These two countries continued to provide Syria with assistance in equipping itself with advanced technologies and weaponry (Zisser, 2003).

These actions from Syria damaged the connection between the two countries. During President Barack Obama’s presidency (2009-2017), tensions between the two countries rose, and things became extremely volatile. This occurred due to several reasons. One factor was the Syrian civil war, where Assad cracked down on civilians. This violated their human rights and led to widespread backlash from the international community. Britannica (2025) stated that improvised explosives, also known as “barrel bombs,” were dropped from helicopters and airplanes against military and civilian targets in rebel-held areas, even though human rights groups insisted that the use of such indiscriminate weapons constituted a war crime.

Houeix (2018) stated that Assad’s government had admitted to possessing chemical weapons in July 2012, and a month later, Obama stated that the use of such weapons is a “red line” and that crossing it would entail “enormous consequences”. Nevertheless, even though there was much evidence that proved that Syria had used chemical weapons on its civilians, this “red line” threat became an empty threat that did not impact Syria or Assad in any way. This could be one of the pivotal moments in American history, as they lost their credibility in front of the international community. This could have happened as the USA did not want to get involved in another Middle Eastern war.

During President Joe Biden’s era, it could be stated that there was a continuation of the previous regime. There are a few notable incidents that occurred during his time. For instance, countering ISIS terrorism involved supporting local partners like the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), humanitarian aid for the civilians in distress, and passing the Captagon Act to disrupt the illicit drug trade. Adib (2024) stated that the world's leader in Captagon trade has been Syria, generating an estimated $10 billion for the country an estimated $2.4 billion a year directly for the Assad regime, according to a 2023 study conducted by the Observatory of Political and Economic Networks, a nonprofit that conducts research on organized crime and corruption in Syria. With these incidents unfolding one by one, the relationship between the two countries could not be mended, and with the political instability, poor economy, and slow development in the country, Bashar al-Assad’s government was toppled, and he fled to Russia which gave the space to Ahmed al-Sharaa, a former al-Qaeda insurgent who led the rebel that toppled the Assad regime in 2024, to become the president of Syria.

After this incident, President Biden, envisaging future connectivity with Syria observed that: “It’s a moment of historic opportunity for the long-suffering people of Syria to build a better future for their proud country,” Biden said from the Roosevelt Room. “It’s also a moment of risk and uncertainty. As we all turn to the question of what comes next, the United States will work with our partners and the stakeholders in Syria to help them seize an opportunity to manage the risk.” (Klein et al., 2024).

The Post-Assad Era and the Restructuring of US-Syria Relations

The year 2025 can be named as one of the years that is full of surprises, even in the world of geopolitics. After Donald Trump was elected the 47th president of the USA, world affairs drastically changed due to some of his policies. However, even though he was previously elected president from 2017-2021, we can now see a distinct approach to Syria this time. Like all previous presidents, Trump maintained a similar stance on Syria during his first term, that is to be hostile and impose sanctions. As a consequence, Trump signed the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act of 2019 (the Caesar Act), which can be described as follows, Executive Order 13894 includes menu-based sanctions, including travel restrictions to the United States and isolation from the United States’ financial system for foreign persons who engage in or finance the obstruction, prevention, or disruption of a ceasefire or political solution to the conflict in Syria and members of their family, among other actions… Mandatory sanctions under the Caesar Act target foreign persons who facilitate the Assad regime’s acquisition of goods, services, or technologies that support the regime’s military activities as well as its aviation and oil and gas production industries… The Caesar Act also mandates sanctions on those profiting off the Syrian conflict by engaging in reconstruction activities (U.S. Department of State, 2020).

Trump continued to target ISIS in Syria, and the relationship between the two countries remained unchanged, with no improvements. Nevertheless, soon after Trump was elected for the second time in the latter part of 2024, the relationship between the two countries began to shift in the opposite direction.

On May 2025, President Donald Trump met with Ahmed al-Sharaa, which became a historic moment for both the countries and the middle east which paved the way to normalize relations between the two countries. The meeting, described by Syria as “historic,” was the first between a US and Syrian president in 25 years, taking place during Trump's Middle East tour, the first set of state visits of his second term (Salem, 2025).

Soon after the historic meeting, Trump announced he would lift the crippling U.S. sanctions against Syria and urged al-Sharaa to meet specified conditions in hopes that it will stabilize the country (Hutchinson, 2025). According to Firstpost (2025), the USA is expecting the following conditions to be met in return for dropping the sanctions which are – Syria coming to terms with Israel; deporting Palestinians and foreign terrorists; helping the USA fight ISIS; and taking control of the ISIS detention centers in Syria.

Sanctions Relief in Post-Assad Syria: International Debates

This move was categorized as both new and surprising to the world for many reasons. Firstly, Ahmed al-Sharaa, who was known to have led the rebel offensive that toppled the Assad regime in 2024, was also a former al-Qaeda insurgent who fought against the U.S. in Iraq. The second factor is that a U.S. president is taking a different stance on Syria, ignoring the actions taken by previous administrations, including his first term as president. This could be seen as a new development in the relationship between the USA and Syria after many decades of hostility. This move can also change Syria's perspective within the international community and perhaps lead Syria towards a better future. As a result, the European Union has lifted select sanctions on Syria as part of an effort to support democratic development during the country’s political transition (Al Jazeera, 2025). This suggests that the European Union is accepting the new leader of Syria and hence willing to help the country improve its current situation.

In an interview in 2024, al-Sharaa stated that the sanctions should be lifted as the civil war had ended. "Now, after all that has happened, sanctions must be lifted because they were targeted at the old regime. The victim and the oppressor should not be treated in the same way" (Bowen, 2024).

This statement by the current president of Syria shows that the country desires recognition and participation in the international community. His positive remarks also indicate a wish to distinguish himself from previous Syrian presidents and show a willingness to cooperate with Western allies. This could help the country get back on the right track and assist in combating terrorism in West Asia.

However, despite the positive reactions and factors surrounding this move, this particular act is also debated in the international system. According to VOA News (2025), al-Sharaa was the leader of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham or HTS, a U.S.-designated terrorist group, that spearheaded the campaign in December to take control of Damascus. Since he was recognized as a terrorist, the US has placed a bounty of $10 million on al-Sharaa, but it was removed recently because of the recent events. Moreover, Trump has described the Syrian president as “Good and an attractive guy,” a statement that gained worldwide attention. All these incidents and statements could make the USA appear opportunistic and unreliable due to this move. Additionally, given the past few events revealed by the USA, this particular move can also be interpreted as Trump seeing world affairs only as opportunities and deals.

Nonetheless, the main question that arises next is: why is the USA taking such a risk by trusting Syria and al-Sharaa? John Cohen, a former Department of Homeland Security undersecretary of intelligence, remarked the following, which shows the motive of the USA in dropping the sanctions.

“The United States has no choice but to engage with al-Sharaa, explaining that a stable Syria is vital to the entire Middle East region…"We have to engage," Cohen said. "There are other powers, like China and Russia, who would be more than happy to assert geopolitical control over the region. So, it's in our interest not to have that occur" (Hutchinson, 2025).

Additionally, this move will create a balance in the West Asian region, and it can be stated that in the 21st century, the West Asian region is one of the developing and important areas impacting world affairs. Some say that his admiration for the Saudi prince, Mohammad Bin Salman, also known as MBS, could be a potential reason why Trump agreed to lift sanctions on Syria. Thus, President Trump is in the process of rewriting US foreign policy with and of this region.

Conclusion

The relationship between the USA and Syria has been a rollercoaster ride. By analyzing the different regimes and global contexts during each one, we can see that their relationship has mostly been hostile and negative. However, recently the shift in the foreign policy of both the USA and Syria. Unlike previous regimes and administrations in both countries, it can be seen that they have now found a middle ground and are on the same page. This is a green light for their relationship and could even change the destinies of both countries, leading them out of decades of violence and hostility.

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