AN AIR DIPLOMACY POLICY FOR SRI LANKA: Sri Lanka Air Force reaches its 70th anniversary

By George I. H. Cooke

On the eve of the 20^th century the Wright Brothers tested their wing-warping control concept of a flying device which revolutionized travel. Their invention in July 1899 set the pace for advancements in aviation that saw humans not only flying around the world but venturing further, into outer space and even landing on the moon 70 years later in 1969. To date, many other aspects of air travel have intensified with the space race playing a key role. 

The intrinsic patterns of history which resulted in the rise and fall of states have seen a significant development throughout the twentieth century as air travel intensified to its current level of operation. The ability to cross regions and continents in shorter periods of time altered the practice of diplomacy itself. Whilst diplomats played a critical role for centuries as the emissaries of leaders, who rarely or never met, increased air travel has enabled connectivity at the highest level, resulting in the diplomat needing to evolve and for the practice of diplomacy to become more indepth and specialized.

Amidst these vast strides in diplomacy and transportation, the Air Power of states has grown significantly allowing for its use in times of emergency and need, as well as during conflict. Air Diplomacy and its usage, is of paramount relevance for an island nation, such as Sri Lanka. Given that connectivity and defence are the basic tenants upon which states like Sri Lanka have survived for millennia, the rationale for Air Diplomacy is imperative. An Air Diplomacy policy would generate new opportunities for Sri Lanka and Foreign policy, while increasing the potential of the Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF).

An innovative Air Diplomacy policy needs to be rationalized on two levels, bilateral and multilateral. Identifying critical areas of governance and incorporation of strategy to achieve overarching objectives ensures the creation of a state which can harness opportunities, develop industry, prosper people and equally importantly, increase its presence and influence on the world stage. All nation states, irrespective of their size, location or resources, look to enhance their potential and power. A comprehensive Air Diplomacy Policy augurs well for defence, strengthens foreign policy, boosts diplomacy and increases connectivity.

Developed countries race into the future with the latest innovations and modern technology, with immense power and intense influence. The advancements are spread across private and public sectors, with states improving infrastructure, enhancing air capabilities and incorporating this dimension into diplomacy to increase connectivity. Developing countries heavy reliance on diplomatic engagement to remain formidable players on the world’s stage often lack sufficient infrastructure and budgetary constraints.

It is thus necessary for such countries, including Sri Lanka to explore areas of cooperation through which the synergy of joint collaboration would yield positive results. A concerted policy of Air Diplomacy would result in a plethora of opportunities which portend well for the betterment of the SLAF as one of the key implementing agencies. It would be a venture into a hitherto untapped area of expertise that would advance diplomatic engagement and strengthen foreign policy tools at the disposal of the state.

BILATERAL ENGAGEMENT    

Sri Lanka has numerous missions which are accredited to more countries. Continuous interactions with these countries form the first tier from which an Air Diplomacy policy could be activated. This could be established by the SLAF, through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Sri Lanka Missions as well as resident missions in Sri Lanka and Honorary Consuls. Reaching out to as many countries as possible conveys a strong message of interest and seriousness while raising awareness towards the national initiative. 

Of the countries with which Sri Lanka engages, many are those from which purchases of ammunition, equipment, aircraft, vessels have been made. Given their importance and the rationale for closer relations, it would be prudent to propose solid cooperation such as structured joint sessions between the militaries, and joint drills, with foreign Air Forces. This interface would lead to deeper understanding, better cooperation and stronger connectivity, especially at times of need. As leaders in the aviation sector, these countries have the capacity and capability to extend cooperation in the technology sharing sphere.

RESEARCH AND TRAINING

Research remains a crucial factor for policy formulation. Efforts have to be made to understand the nature and potential of Air Diplomacy, through collaboration among academia, the SLAF and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs if the endeavour is to succeed. A thorough study would reveal areas in which strengths exist, weaknesses persist, opportunities abound and threats maybe perceived. Equally important are case studies of other countries, their Air Forces, the nature of collaboration therein and the means through which such policies have been formulated and implemented. Countries look to increase Air Power and what appears as sole Air Power strategies would possess critical processes in which Air Diplomacy has been incorporated.

In June 2019, the integral air partnership between France and Singapore came in for praise. Singapore’s Senior Minister of State for Defence Heng Chee How speaking at the Cazauz Air Base in France noted that the opportunity to train alongside a very professional Air Force, such as the French Air Force spoke volumes of the practical value of the bilateral collaboration. He observed that a strong and capable defence must include a strong Air Force, which has the ability to train its pilots well. The collaboration was good for both countries as Singapore gained the latest technique and precision, while France deepened ties with an Asian ally.

In July 2019 military cooperation was enhanced through joint air patrols as Russia and China negotiated an agreement for deeper cooperation and conducted their first joint patrol mission over the Sea of Japan. The agreement was an extension of one that was agreed in 1993 which focused on conditions for cooperation in military technology. It also detailed training, learning and information exchanges, mutual assistance in servicing weapons and military equipment and conducting joint research and commemorative military events.

These are unique platform for countries to consolidate their relations and strategize collectively. The depth of the partnerships would be felt in situations of tension as these strategic partners bolster each other. Sri Lanka would do well to attempt deepening such partnerships for research and training thereby widening existing opportunities afforded from foreign Air Forces. The exposure that SLAF officers would receive would enable them to gain knowledge and insight into the latest innovations and technology whilst also equipping them with deeper understanding of countries and their policies.

Programmes at the Junior Command and Staff Course could see more foreign participants, who would understand Sri Lanka better, and comprehend the trajectory of the country. Their presence in increased numbers would in turn allow Sri Lankan officers to grasp subtleties of foreign forces through interactions and this would yield vital results in the long term as these officers progress in seniority in their respective forces and retain a unique connection to Sri Lanka. A senior level programme would also be beneficial in yielding such results and be a supplementary platform for interaction. Similarly a concerted effort is required to obtain reciprocal placements in foreign Air Force Academies. From the sporting arena, through friendly aircraft visits, bilateral drills and air shows at periodic stages through which an interest is generated among the general public connectivity would be deepened between the two Forces and countries. Avenues for engagement remain limitless. An Air Diplomacy policy would contribute towards Sri Lanka’s overall bilateral engagement.

MULTILATERAL ENGAGEMENT

The second tier of multilateral engagement could see regional conclaves through existing regional mechanisms or through new structures. While South Asian cooperation seems too early, Sri Lanka could play a catalytic role of bringing Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) countries together to implement a policy of Air Diplomacy and enhance security cooperation.

Sri Lanka currently chairs the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) with leadership delegated in the area of technology. BIMSTEC is an ideal platform from which military cooperation can be promoted with an Air Diplomacy Policy. This position of leadership gives Sri Lanka the possibility of reaching out to other member states and embarking on a new initiative. Air connectivity remains pivotal for states and the incorporation of such a policy would bode well to strengthen regional ties, and serve as a platform for increased development of the Air Forces of each member state.

Furthermore, within the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), wherein Sri Lanka is a dialogue partner, the country could seek deeper engagement, even actively campaigning for full membership, while articulating the contribution, especially in the area of counter terrorism that the country would be able to make, and gain through collaboration with other member states, observers and dialogue partners. Having identified the three evils of separatism, terrorism and extremism, the SCO undertakes numerous initiatives which include military drills at the All-SCO level. Awareness of the impact of such exercises is not widely discussed but the presence of the political leadership at the drills denotes the growing significance of the organisation. Inclusion of India and Pakistan in 2017 increased the importance of the grouping as its area of coverage reaches across South Asia. 2021 marks two decades of the SCO and it would be prudent for Sri Lanka to increase its membership even at this stage.

Of the member states, China has constructed and utilizes special warehouses and other infrastructure to carry out simulations for military exercises as part of training. This is done to recreate the environment and provide for varied terrain which is required for complete training purposes. Sri Lanka, possessing different forms of natural terrain within the country, as well as the vast territory, in which the conflict was waged, and the ideal temperature and topography to simulate tropical environments, would be able to offer a complete option to China and SCO. These conditions are not curtailed to the land and extend further throughout the diversity found with regard to the sea and especially in relation to the air space over varied forms of land, and the sea.

Sri Lanka and Russia have enjoyed close diplomatic relations since 1957. In contemporary times, Sri Lanka has experienced the wholehearted support of Russia, especially in international fora. Sri Lanka needs to reach out to Russia and seek support in expanding its membership in SCO. Sri Lanka should not merely seek membership to add yet another international grouping to its list of multilateral engagement bodies. Sri Lanka is more than a decade after ending a violent terrorist conflict on its soil and is in a position to share its experiences with the world. It is this experience that Sri Lanka needs to take to the SCO table, and for which Russia and other countries in the grouping would find the provision of full membership noteworthy. The platform exists, and it is up to Sri Lanka to make the initiative of interacting that much more.

While the aspect of terrain would augur well for overall military cooperation, a proposal based on Air Diplomacy creates a new platform for collaboration. Whilst the joint military drills are carried out in member states, the floating of a new initiative of this nature would give dialogue partners the opportunity of being included in such exercises.

Smaller countries stand to gain much from such groupings and questions are raised over their contribution in return. It is imperative that countries like Sri Lanka ‘bring to the table’ the decades of experience, especially in the fields of counter terrorism, and are identified as countries that have acted with determination and deserve due recognition for the contribution made in thwarting terror on its soil. The offer of fresh initiatives, expertise and territory – land, sea and air - translate into tangible aspects of cooperation which would be welcomed by the SCO and would bode well for Sri Lanka, if and when the country decides to seek full membership in the grouping.

AIR DIPLOMACY DIALOGUE

Exploring new areas of air connectivity through the creation of a ‘Shangri la Dialogue’ model could be implemented for purposes of Air Diplomacy. This platform would generate immense opportunities for Air Chiefs, multiple stakeholders from the field and technical experts to converge each year in a bid to discuss military aviation issues, multilateral cooperation, enhance regional security as well as improve humanitarian assistance and relief efforts. The conference would also serve as a hub for the sharing of information on suspicious air activity, response to terror threats, and measures that could be adopted to thwart such activity and threats.

This ‘Air Diplomacy Dialogue’ structured to bring together the government, military and academia would converge vital sectors in securing the best possible opportunities for the countries concerned. With representation from the government hierarchy, military command and academicians, consensus could be sought and reached on regional and international issues in the field of air power. Sri Lanka’s hosting of such a venture, although financially intense would give the island an unparalleled niche in this sphere. This initiative would require a solid entrenchment in the sector first and it would be prudent to realize such a Dialogue in the long term. Realizing this initiative would make the island the centre of Air Diplomacy and the key node in the dialogue on Air Power in South Asia.

AIR CHIEF’S CONCLAVE

Whether through international groupings, or through an Air Diplomacy Dialogue, a primary step in promoting cooperation in the sphere of Air Diplomacy is the hosting of an Air Force Chief’s Conference. Given the pivotal role of Air Chiefs, and their role in formulating and implementing an Air Diplomacy policy, a conclave through which they would meet annually is paramount to set direction and ensure results.

Whether in the Americas, Africa or South East Asia, the apparatus in operation is one which identifies the overwhelming importance of guaranteeing and strengthening Air Power and adopting sound Air Diplomacy polices which augment other Foreign policy tools in boosting cooperation, providing security and developing a fresh platform for cooperation. Three case studies identified, from the Americas, Africa and South East Asia indicate commonalities which enable clear study of their modus operandi. The potential in bridging gaps in regional security, establishing policy to combat threats and improving preparedness displays their success, and highlights the importance of the platforms they have created.

The System of Cooperation among the American Air Forces (SICOFAA) was established to consolidate cooperation among the Air Forces of the American continent and for joint action if the need arises. SICOFAA focuses on simulated air operations, human resource enhancement, provision of education, training, scientific research, conducting search and rescue missions, preparing for disaster relief operations and weather related exercises, improving telecommunication and generating awareness on aerospace medicine. Air Chiefs of the 21 members meet annually at the Conference of the American Air Chiefs (CONJEFAMER).

The Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) established an ASEAN Air Chiefs Conference (AACC) in 2004. It functions as the key platform for their Air Forces to foster closer ties and increase cooperation in military aviation and multilateral air force collaboration to respond to issues concerning counterterrorism, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief. In 2018, the AACC strengthened the standard operating procedures for ASEAN Air Forces to respond faster to humanitarian assistance and disaster relief operations (HADR). These measures included a uniformed prefix in aircraft call signs for regional HADR operations, to ensure faster diplomatic clearance processes. They created the ASEAN Air Force Centre Counter-Terrorism Hotline to share information about suspicious air activities and terrorist threats, and supported the Guidelines for Air Encounters between Military Aircraft framework as a confidence building measure to increase aviation security.

The African Air Chiefs Symposium (AACS) comprise Chiefs from across the African continent meeting with their American counterparts to discuss continental defence issues. They identify their national capabilities and challenges and look for ways to resolve common issues, while guaranteeing training and force development. The AACS has evolved a Charter which outlines the fundamental areas to be air operations in relation to mobility; intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR); close air attack, provision of humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, responding to transnational threats, improving human resources, education and training, guaranteeing supply, logistics and rapid response as well as prevention of air accidents and ensuring air domain safety. 

CONCLUSION

Formulating a two - tier strategy would result in the consolidation of a network of strategic partners. Bilaterally the scope of engagement is vast given the potential of collective action to boost the aviation sector and earn the dividends of synergizing. From joint sessions at the highest and technical levels, improved research and sharing of technology, to international exposure through increased overseas training opportunities and increased domestic training courses for foreign officers, as well as bilateral air drills and friendly aircraft visits, all of which would consolidate the strategic partnership that Sri Lanka would enjoy with key partners in the international community.

At the multilateral level, the opportunities being harnessed bear testimony to the potential of joint efforts in maintaining peace and stability within, increasing regional security against outside threats, raising standards across the board and equally importantly fortifying Foreign policy. An Air Chiefs Conclave would see Sri Lanka being identified as a country with genuine interest in Air Diplomacy and create a new niche on the world’s stage, ensuring that image is built, and trust and confidence is boosted.

The adoption of the two – tier strategy would enhance connectivity and defence which are the basic tenants upon which states have survived for millennia. The rationale for Air Diplomacy remains paramount as the implementation of an Air Diplomacy Policy would generate new opportunities for Sri Lanka in general, while increasing the potential of the Sri Lanka Air Force which has made a decisive and overarching contribution to the preservation of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the island nation, and is today at its 70^th anniversary.

120 years after the Wright Brothers revolutionized travel, humanity stands on the threshold of harnessing the vast strides made in the field of aviation. Whilst developed countries sprint into the future with the adoption of the latest technology and mutually beneficial collaboration, it is time that developing countries in general and Sri Lanka in particular, broadened the scope of diplomatic engagement, enhanced capacity to reach beyond the accepted, built strong and long lasting partnerships, while further strengthening ones that exist, and look to the future to rebrand, revitalize and revolutionize diplomacy.

An Air Diplomacy policy promises to lay the foundation for such an endeavour and needs to be pursued with vigour if Sri Lanka is to take her place amongst her contemporaries in the current age.

 

AUSTRALIA AND SRI LANKA: AIR CONNECTIVITY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN REGION

THE SUCCESS OF THE TWO COUNTRIES' NAVAL COOPERATION SHOWS THE POTENTIAL FOR EXPANDED PARTNERSHIP  

 

Published by THE INTERPRETER of the LOWY INSTITUTE

By George I. H. Cooke

Australia and Sri Lanka’s recent experience working together to prevent people smuggling from Sri Lanka has been one of the more significant, and largely unreported, wins in regional security cooperation. After almost a decade of close collaboration, largely focusing on naval operations, now is an opportune time to extend that cooperation into the realm of air power.

The two countries’ efforts addressed an important domestic issue for Australia, while enhancing bilateral relations. For its part, Sri Lanka received close and consistent support from Australia in safeguarding its territorial waters and in multilateral forums such as the Commonwealth. 

Realising the futility of trying alone to counter people smuggling and to stop boats entering its territorial waters, Australia undertook to address the problem at its root. Close cooperation with the Sri Lankan government under President Mahinda Rajapaksa helped Australia to halt the practice by encouraging those engaging in it to pursue legal methods of migration, while at the same time supporting the Sri Lanka Navy and Coast Guard to detect illegal vessels and better monitor the maritime

domain.

These cooperative arrangements, involving representatives from the police, immigration and military, helped both countries recognise each others' potential as partners in addressing a common threat. That success could now be expanded to other sectors.

Many of Sri Lanka’s threats emanate from the surrounding seas. In April 2020, following the closure of ports of entry due to Covid-19, the Sri Lanka Air Force deployed Y-12 aircraft and Bell 212 helicopters to detect illegal entrants. This is just one of the main transnational maritime security challenges the country faces. Others include illegal and unregulated fishing, drug trafficking, arms smuggling, data gathering by maritime expeditions and the threat of accidents in its territorial waters that cause environmental damage.

Cooperation between middle and small powers would convey a positive and powerful message to the Indian Ocean region and beyond.

Sri Lanka is becoming more strategically important. China and the United States are

increasingly interested in its geographical position, given the country’s proximity to international shipping lanes and to India. China is providing much needed development assistance, especially in the maritime sector, with projects implemented through the Belt and Road Initiative.

Australia identifies Sri Lanka, an Indian Ocean neighbour, as a key regional node in terms of maritime security. Its geographic position and good infrastructure make it an excellent hub for access to South Asia and much of the northern Indian Ocean. The growing relationship between Australia and India may be just the first step in an expanded South Asian engagement by Australia, resulting in greater presence and purpose in the Indian Ocean region through closer cooperation with Sri Lanka.

The geographic positions of Australia and Sri Lanka as entry points into their respective regions also provide opportunities for cooperation, including exploring the enhancement of air power by establishing key nodes of connectivity in neighbouring regions. Sri Lanka is already the most important shipping hub in the northern Indian Ocean, and by virtue of its geography could easily become a pivotal air hub.

As an initial step, a meeting by the two Air Force Commanders to identify objectives for joint action could lead to the establishment of a working group to determine activities for implementation. In the medium to long term, joint manoeuvres, training activities, increasing goodwill visits and exchange programs, and launching a biennial Air Force Commanders’ Dialogue, would lead to higher levels of cooperation.

Sri Lanka would gain expertise and seek much-needed high-altitude maritime surveillance of its extensive territorial waters. This could be coupled with Australian expertise in developing an advanced maritime domain awareness system. Such measures could help generate significant air power for Sri Lanka and contribute towards governance of its entire air space.  

For Australia, increased air connectivity would open another window into South Asia and the Indian Ocean, and diversify its strategic relationships in the region. Australia could establish a deeper defence cooperative mechanism and open the way for further collaboration. The potential is enormous, from using Sri Lanka’s newly reopened southern international airport in Mattala as a refueling stop point to undertaking joint measures to respond to transnational threats, generating faster responses to humanitarian emergencies and disaster relief activities, simulating air operations and improving telecommunication awareness in aerospace, as well as guaranteeing supply and logistics.

Cooperation between middle and small powers would also convey a positive and powerful message to the Indian Ocean region and beyond.

Air connectivity played a pivotal role in bilateral relations during the Second World War. After Australia effectively lost overseas air connections in early 1942, it had to rely on the "Double Sunrise" flights between Perth and what was then Ceylon for air connections to the outside world.

In March 2021, the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) will reach a century, while the Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF) notches seven decades since its establishment. These anniversaries are an opportunity to renew bilateral collaboration, and enhance multilateral engagement through innovative cross-regional measures.

Maritime and air connectivity have been mutually beneficial in the past. Prime Minister Scott Morrison was one of the first foreign leaders to congratulate Mahinda Rajapaksa on his recent return to government as Sri Lankan Prime Minister, with Rajapaksa calling the two countries “steadfast partners for many years on a number of issues”.  Now may be the moment to build a strategic partnership that aims yet higher.

This piece is part of a two-year project being undertaken by the ANU National Security College on the Indian Ocean, with the support of the Department of Defence

THE SCOPE OF AIR DIPLOMACY IN STRATEGIZING SRI LANKA’S FOREIGN POLICY

- George I. H. Cooke

Sri Lanka has remained one of the most globally connected countries. Whilst expeditions were dispatched to the Roman Empire in some of the first international interactions, special envoys continued to traverse the world over the centuries. Likewise Sri Lanka attracted many traders and conquerors owing to resources and location. Numerous calls have been made to make Sri Lanka a hub in the Indian Ocean, but often islanders fail to realize that Sri Lanka was a hub of strategic importance. Traders from China, the Arab world, as well as the Portuguese, Dutch and British all found the island to be of considered importance and sought to control it to their benefit at varied periods. Making the island a hub is therefore not a new policy but one which needs to be revived.

A Foreign Policy that is strategic and effective remains the most crucial tool in the armoury of Sri Lanka’s diplomatic engagement and the means by which the island would be able to stride the global stage, maneuver international issues and overcome critical challenges in the 21^st century. Amidst fresh developments regionally and internationally, Sri Lanka is often provided with opportunities that require innovative action which at times, steers away from the traditional modes of operation to exploring new avenues for building cooperation and increasing potential. More importantly, the need to strategize Foreign Policy becomes crucial, if the country is to move from being constantly on the defensive to adopting a more proactive stance in global affairs.

Reflection on that which has been becomes highly relevant at this juncture. Whether in terms of research or policy planning, foreign policy formulation needs the utmost attention given the international ramifications of each and every step taken. Today Sri Lanka is a member, dialogue partner and observer of numerous organizations and groupings, yet the amount of leverage the country enjoys internationally, as a result of such affiliations, leaves much to be desired. For too long the island has remained static owing to developments within, but now with the conflict a near decade into history, it is time the country surges ahead, but it would only be able to do so with strategy, which it tends to lack at the most crucial of times.

Identifying national interest remains at the core of decision making. Whether in negotiations over bilateral issues, staking a claim at the United Nations or through the plethora of multilateral platforms that Sri Lanka sits at, the prospect of going in with an agenda for success, rather than merely marking attendance, needs to top the list of priorities. Security remains critical, from defence of the island from outside interference; cyber attacks; protecting the air and maritime boundaries and resources; preserving peace, law and order within the island; ensuring a healthy population; securing sufficient food; avoiding economic downturns; promoting investment while protecting the environment. All of these dimensions of security are paramount for a country going forward.

Sri Lanka possesses the ability to connect with the world by air and sea. Though identified as avenues of opportunity, the high seas and air space have also been the medium through which Sri Lanka’s sovereignty has been violated and maybe argued continues to be violated, especially in reference to the seas. Yet enhancing air connectivity remains critical to propel the nation forward. Thus of significance is the opportunity to be accrued by adopting a policy of Air Diplomacy, as an integral component of Foreign Policy. Incorporating such a dimension into Foreign Policy would provide the impetus to promote Sri Lanka’s interconnectedness primarily in the region and thereafter in key strategic locations in South East Asia, East Asia, West Asia, Central Asia, Africa and Europe.

Examining the concept of Air Diplomacy, and the means by which it could be incorporated into Sri Lanka’s Foreign Policy remains crucial. Reference has been made herein to case studies in which the usage of Air Diplomacy supported the state’s ability to enhance its international interaction and accrued beneficial dividends to the state. The military component of the study examines the means by which the Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF) could contribute to the implementation of a policy of Air Diplomacy and study the role of academia in creating a neutral platform from which militaries would be able to engage. 

States need to go beyond the prescribed formula wherein large and powerful states use Air Power and Air Diplomacy to bolster their military might. Instead being examined herein is the potential of an island state to adopt an effective Air Diplomacy policy that would enable decision makers to strategize Foreign Policy, ensure greater connectivity and guarantee a higher degree of influence in regional and global affairs. It is argued that the building of a nexus between and among militaries would auger well, as levels of cooperation and confidence would be boosted. The contributory role of academia in the pursuit of this policy generates a triangle in which the military and academia work jointly to identify areas and mechanisms for implementation, and reach out collectively to influence foreign policy formulators.

Comprehending Air Diplomacy

In an interview in 1927, Paul Claudel, (1927) the new French Ambassador to Washington in reference to his appointment noted that “my task will be facilitated by the air and popular diplomacy admirably initiated by the American airmen, who haven’t even realized their apostolate.” Air Diplomacy was born during E. H. Carr’s ‘Twenty Years’ Crisis’, but neither Claudel nor Carr realized the manner in which air travel would revolutionize the entire spectrum of connectivity that had been hitherto known to humans.

Nearly a century later advancements in technology enhanced air travel, which contributed to the rapid pace at which nation-states became enmeshed in the concept of, and thereby gave credence to, globalization. Improved and safe travel propelled industry, commerce and changed the persona of diplomacy. The role of the diplomat was transformed. Leaders themselves engaged directly thereby forcing the diplomat into a new position of contact between states. The transformation called for the adaptation of the diplomat to the new role of strategic advisor which many countries and professionals still grapple to understand. The changing environment saw the evolution of New Diplomacy, as we identify the sphere in modern times.

The air connectivity also led to the enhancement of military contact, and it has been considered to be a highly effective form of attack or retaliation. While the First World War had seen sporadic air attacks which accounted for some 1, 400 deaths in Britain due to aerial bombardments, as opposed to the 57, 000 men who died on just the first day of battle at Somme in 1916, air attacks were not as sophisticated as they are today or have been for the past several decades. From the infamous blitzkrieg over London, to the attack on Pearl Harbour, the usage of planes to drop nuclear bombs over Nagasaki and Hiroshima, their role in the Vietnam war, and their usage in other countries including Cambodia, Indonesia and Bangladesh, and in the last two decades across the West Asia and stretching into Afghanistan and Pakistan, the consequences of the air power are viewed negatively in much of the world, given the ramifications of death and destruction it leaves in its wake.

It was in the post Second World War era with the heightening of the Cold War and emphasis on building stronger militaries and enhancing military capabilities, that air power began to supersede naval power. While in earlier centuries states attached great importance to naval power as evidenced through the building of the Chinese Navy, Spanish Armada, Royal Navy and the Japanese Imperial Navy among others, it is to air power that states turned in the twentieth century. Rapid advancements enabled faster movement, flexibility and swifter attacks, especially in relation to aerial strikes.

Conflict is not the sole aspect of air power. A century ago, as highlighted by Claudel, states were discovering the opportunities that improvements in connectivity would provide, and their Forces were exploring the potential of humanitarian operations, wherein the transportation of goods and services, assisting in rescue missions, conducting evacuations and supporting ground troops, became an integral component of air power. States thereby amass air power leading to superiority, which translates into an effective tool for diplomatic engagement.

Hitler believed that “when diplomacy ends, wars begin,” a strong view that he eventually put into practice. It is evident that diplomacy and all aspects of the sphere are used by states in the formulation and implementation of Foreign Policy. With a wider scope and deeper reach, the dividends are richer and greater. Foreign Policy today is enriched through multifaceted approaches, and states are striving to evolve with developments in a plethora of fields. Amidst these varied approaches is that of Air Diplomacy. As a thematic area, and more importantly, a policy option, the study of Air Diplomacy, its relevance and potential reveals its use today by states to enhance engagement and display military might.

Hence it is understood that Air Power has the potential to wreck havoc and generate widespread destruction through its usage in military campaigns. Yet the significance of Air Power and its connectivity to Diplomacy becomes highly relevant in an era in which although military power is used for battle, it is also used for peace keeping missions. Similarly Air Power, maybe be used for the achievement of stability, ensure security and the enhancement of relations in the international sphere.

Air Diplomacy if practiced as a concerted policy would chiefly enable the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to bolster ties with countries, particularly in the region, and also with those which similarly focus on this sphere. It would also enable the SLAF to increase connectivity with other Forces in the region, improve relations with the aforementioned strategic locations, ensure opportunities of reach into new spheres, such as regional and international search and rescue operations, and carve an identity for the Force to be recognised. It would result in Sri Lanka harnessing location and geopolitical importance to boost the economy, augment the development drive, and strategize international engagement. The island’s location has long been touted as one of its greatest assets, but its utilization to its fullest potential is yet to be realized. Similarly the geopolitical importance of the Indian Ocean, and its rising relevance in global trade and contact, could boost the aviation arena.

General de Gaulle (1960) highlighted the connection between diplomacy and the use of armed forces, wherein he identified that diplomacy had three levers: “Diplomacy expresses it, armed forces support it, and the police cover it.” Lespinois (2012) derives therefrom that “Air diplomacy could be defined as the use of air assets to support foreign policy.” This support can have manifold repercussions as it could describe a country’s aviation policy and the means by which it would strive to exhibit its technical and economic supremacy. It would also indicate that countries with greater degrees of power would be able to enforce stronger positions in Air Diplomacy. De La Rochère (1997), examining the incorporation of power into diplomacy, identifies the heavy handedness of the United States in imposing its own opinion of how public international law should be enforced in civil aviation. Similar developments occurred at international conferences, she argues, particularly the Chicago Convention on International Civil Aviation in 1944, and the Bermuda Agreement two years later. However this paper while examining the concept of Air Diplomacy, and the means by which it could be incorporated into Sri Lanka’s Foreign Policy, focuses on the military component of Air Diplomacy.

Implementing Air Diplomacy: Role of the Military

Seventy years ago air connectivity was to play a critical role in the first crisis of the Cold War. With the Soviet decision to block access to Berlin the eruption of the Berlin Blockade from 24^th June 1948 to 11^th May 1949 Cold War tensions were to reach a heightened situation as former Allied powers sought wars to avoid confrontation. It severely tested the peace that prevailed, and enabled a blockade stricken people to survive for nearly a year, but also provided a new dimension to air power and its usage.

The United States Air Force and the British Royal Air Force flew more than 200, 000 flights into Berlin taking with them in excess of 13, 000 tonnes of food supplies on a daily basis. Creating a coalition of support for Berlin, aircrews from Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and South Africa joined the effort to support the American and British forces. The success of Operation Vittles and Operation Plainfare so named by the Americans and British respectively, was evident when more good and supplies were arriving in Berlin than had been supplied earlier via the rail route.

Commemorated annually, the success of the main airlift was bolstered by other initiatives such as Operation Little Vittles, through which chocolates attached to little parachutes were dropped promoting goodwill among the German people, towards the forces that were intervening to assist them. The cooperative measures adopted by various militaries saw Western powers realize the need to remain united and support the West German government in the face of Soviet aggression. Parallel to the airlift America led efforts along with other key western nations to establish the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the Marshall Plan began to play a decisive role in European affairs.

Two and a half decades later in 1973, when Egypt and Syria attacked Israel starting the Yom Kippur War, the United States Air Force launched Operation Nickel Grass to assist their strong ally. The surprise attack resulted in loss of key ammunition ranging from tanks to aircraft in Israel but the Americans were instantly prepared to replace the losses incurred with Kissinger assuring Israeli Ambassador Dinitz that “The President has agreed that all your aircraft and tank losses will be replaced.”

The airlifting of ammunition, including the provision of new aircrafts contributed heavily to consolidating the already strong bonds between the two countries. The intervention by the United States enabled Israel to survive the coordinated attack and restored a balance of power given the Soviet support extended to Egypt and Syria. It also came at a time when Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir was threatening to use nuclear weapons to counter the attacks from her adversaries.

Portugal’s decision to grant landing facilities in the autonomous region of Azores, when most traditional European allies refused cooperation, improved diplomatic connectivity. Connectivity originated when Portugal become the first neutral state to establish diplomatic relations with the United States following the Revolutionary War of Independence. Developments during Operation Nickel Grass also made American forces realize the need to improve staging bases overseas, which was identified as a severe deficiency.

The Operation was yet another instance in which Air Diplomacy engaged in by the United States, Israel, and with the support of Portugal, resulted in the thwarting of attempts to generate instability. Meir acknowledged the action noting that “for generations to come, all will be told of the miracle of the immense planes from the United States bringing in material that meant life for our people.” (Boyne, 1998)

When the capital of Bosnia-Herzegovina was under siege it was timely air interventions that saved lives. From July 1992 to January 1996, the UN led humanitarian operation, named Air Bridge, ensured the supply of more than 160, 000 metric tonnes of aid, including food, medicine, equipment and other supplies to Sarajevo. With twenty countries providing aircrafts and facilities, and the support of numerous international organizations, the operation was able to provide more than 85 percent of all aid reaching the capital.

At the time of the conclusion of the operation in January 1996, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Sadako Ogata observed that “for the past three-and-a-half years, the airlift has been Sarajevo’s lifeline and a constant reminder to the hundreds of thousands of brave residents of the city that they were not forgotten. Without a doubt, the airlift saved tens of thousands of people and kept the city alive through three winters of war.” (UNHCR, 1996) The concerted effort of all these countries and organisations under the leadership of the United Nations resulted in the continued supply of essential items, which saw the people of Sarajevo through a turbulent period of their history.

Whilst the United States has played a pivotal role in many airlifts in the course of the last century, Israel has displayed significant involvement in such operations as evidenced in Operation Moses, wherein 8, 000 Ethiopians were airlifted from Sudan to Israel over seven weeks from November 1984 to January 1985. Thereafter in 1991, Operation Solomon saw the airlifting of more than 14, 000 Ethiopian Jews to Israel in just 36 hours. Earlier Operation Yachin from 1961 to 1964 saw an exodus of 97, 000 Moroccan Jews by plane and ship, although Operation Ezra and Nehemiah from 1951 to 1952 had been on a larger scale with between 120, 000 and 130, 000 Iraqi Jews airlifted from Iraq in a hugely significant exodus of the Jewish community from countries in West Asia. Operation Magic Carpet between June 1949 and September 1950 resulted in the evacuation of 49, 000 Yemenite Jews to Israel and had been carried out by 380 flights by British and American transport planes.

Irrespective of the country involved, the number of tonnes of relief supplies or even the number of people that were evacuated, such airlift operations carried out for most of the second half of the last century saw heavy reliance on air connectivity. The usage of Air Diplomacy supported the state’s ability to enhance its international interaction whilst accruing beneficial dividends to the states involved.

Constructing an Innovative Air Diplomacy Policy

While the case studies cited herein refer to countries with defence budgets that even exceed $600 billion, in the case of the United States, and extensive influence as with the United States and Israel, it is possible to innovate in this arena. Sri Lanka played a monumental role in the 1950’s in the build up to the establishment of the Non-Aligned Movement and went on to chair the grouping from 1976 to 1979, chaired the Security Council and General Assembly of the United Nations, chaired the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) thrice, served as Chair-in-Office of the Commonwealth and has now been handed over the chair of Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multisectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC). Opportunities abound, the usage of such openings remain the challenge the country is yet to overcome.

The adoption of an innovative Air Diplomacy policy needs to be rationalized on two levels, with two categories at each level. This could be done primarily in the bilateral sphere whereby Sri Lanka utilizes her strong bilateral connections with strategic countries in the region and beyond, and secondly at the international level, whereby Sri Lanka plays a vigorous role in redefining defence cooperation through Air Diplomacy. Both levels provide the country and the SLAF with the opportunity of branching out and generating another platform for cooperation which would augur for the state in the long run. 

The bilateral level would need to be examined in two categories. Sri Lanka purchases ammunition, equipment, aircraft, vessels etc from particular countries. These are countries of strategic importance and it is vital to develop closer relations with them. This could be in varied forms, such as structured joint sessions between the militaries, and in particular with the Air Forces of the respective countries. Adopting a similar format as the Joint Sessions between countries at the political level, the Air Force interface would lead to deeper understanding, better cooperation and stronger connectivity, especially at times of need. It could also evolve into and include the conducting of joint drills between the Air Forces, which would result in the sharing of technology and expertise.

The second category at the bilateral level would be with countries of strategic importance in the global arena. Whilst a similar model of structured sessions and joint drills maybe adopted, the second tier would give Sri Lanka the opportunity of reaching beyond the usual remit of connectivity and improve bilateral relations in the process.

Multilateral engagement forms the second level whereby the bilateral connectivity could, in time, be merged with a regional conclave of Air Force Chiefs, which is absent from SAARC at present. Whilst attempting to establish a SAARC Air Force Chief’s Conference seems too early to explore, given the current stalemate in political relations among South Asian countries, Sri Lanka could instead look at playing a catalytic role of bringing Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) countries together by proposing an Air Force Chief’s Conclave amongst the 21 member states and 7 dialogue partners. Whilst this could be examined within the framework of existing groupings, whereby Sri Lanka proposes the establishment of such fora even in groupings such as BIMSTEC and the Commonwealth, where the use of Air Diplomacy would greatly enhance security cooperation. Further engagement in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), wherein Sri Lanka is a dialogue partner at present, could see the country seeking deeper engagement, even actively campaigning for full membership, while articulating the contribution, especially in the area of counter terrorism that the country would be able to make, and gaining through collaboration with other member states and dialogue partners of the SCO.

The second category at the multilateral level would see Sri Lanka explore new areas of air connectivity through the creation of a ‘Shangri la Dialogue’ model, which could be implemented for purposes of Air Diplomacy. This platform would generate immense opportunities for the Air Chiefs of specific countries to converge each year in a bid to discuss military aviation issues, multilateral cooperation, enhance regional security as well as improve humanitarian assistance and relief efforts. The conclave would also serve as a hub for the sharing of information on suspicious air activity, response to terror threats, and measures that could be adopted to thwart such activity and threats.

Preserving and promoting National Interest: Why Air Diplomacy is essential

Whether at the bilateral or multilateral levels and within the specified categories of these two levels, the formulation of an effective Foreign Policy is at the core of national interest. The protection and promotion of national interest, while within the mandate of the state, could be implemented through innovative measures. The adoption of an Air Diplomacy policy, which would be implemented chiefly by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Defence, Sri Lanka Air Force and with the involvement of academia, would see Sri Lanka gain immensely through all that has been hitherto described.

The potential of the island to adopt such an effective Air Diplomacy policy would enable decision makers to strategize Foreign Policy, ensure greater connectivity and guarantee a higher degree of influence in regional and global affairs. It is argued that the building of a nexus between and among militaries would auger well, as levels of cooperation and confidence would be boosted.

As discussed in the introduction, the chief concern of a state is its security in a multitude of areas, chief among which is defence. As stated, the usage of air space is a means by which attacks maybe staged against the country, yet of importance is the emphasis on maritime aerial patrols, given that naval resources are limited and vessels cannot be deployed at regular intervals to monitor the entirety of Sri Lanka’s maritime territory. The support that could be generated by the SLAF through the aforementioned channels would see an enhancement of aerial resources which would in turn augment the naval resources of the state.

A pivotal role would thus be played by the adoption of a policy of Air Diplomacy as a strategic foreign policy option. With the completion of seven decades since the granting of independence, Sri Lanka stands at a cross road of harnessing the opportunity of peace and racing into the future to compete with nations in the region and beyond, or of vacillating over indecision, corruption and crime. The conflict is a near decade into history. The time is ripe for challenging and critical planning, innovative and ingenious action, and most importantly succinct strategizing for the future. Air Diplomacy could play a significant role in strategizing Sri Lanka’s Foreign Policy.

       

REFERENCES

Claudel P, (Euvres diplomatiques: ambassadeur aux États-Unis, 1927-1933, vol 1, ed. Luciele Gardagnati (Paris: L’Âge d’homme, 1994), 103.

de Gaulle C, Mémoires de guerre, vol 3 (Paris: Plon, 1960), p 627.

de La Rochére J D, La politique aéronautique militaire de la France Janvier 1933 – Septembre 1939 (Paris: Editions L’Harmattan, 1997).

de Lespinois J, What is Air Diplomacy? Assessed on 30 August 2018 - http://www.airpower.au.af.mil/apjinternational/apj-af/2012/2012-4/eng/2012_4_05_DeLespinois.pdf

UNHCR Press Release REF/1130, 05 January 1996, Assessed on 15 September 2018 - https://www.un.org/press/en/1996/19960105.ref1130.html

Walter J. Boyne, Nickel Grass, Air Force Magazine, December 1998 Issue, Assessed on 15 September 2018 -  http://www.airforcemag.com/MagazineArchive/Pages/1998/December%201998/1298nickel.aspx.

White House declassified Memorandum of Conversation dated 09th October 1973 – Assessed on 15 September 2018 - https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu//NSAEBB/NSAEBB98/octwar-21b.pdf.