STRENGTHENING SRI LANKA-ITALY RELATIONS THROUGH CULTURAL DIPLOMACY

By Arosh C. De Silva

Sri Lanka and the Italian Republic have maintained close diplomatic, economic, and cultural ties since the establishment of formal relations in the early 1950s. Sri Lanka’s global engagement with Italy has seen much potential as a key partner on the path towards strong cooperation on the world stage. Yet within the relations, cultural diplomatic cooperation is yet to be fully mobilised as a tool of diplomacy. This articles endeavours to highlight the opportunities that exist. It highlights the importance of cultural diplomacy solidarity in Italy-Sri Lanka relations and offers insights into how cultural diplomacy can be further strengthened in bilateral relations.

A need for cultural solidarity

Dating back several centuries, Italy and Sri Lanka have maintained close political and trade links and have long enjoyed good relations, which have been characterised by close economic, political, social and cultural ties. Italy’s expanding diplomatic, cultural, and economic engagement with Sri Lanka has been highlighted through diplomatic visits and the signing of agreements that point to a strategic deepening of ties.

Among the most recent, the governments of Sri Lanka and Italy formally renewed the Bilateral Agreement for the Mutual Recognition of Driving Licences, reaffirming cooperation between the two countries in December 2025. The Driving License Agreement further strengthens the bilateral relations and that facility has been highly welcomed by the large Sri Lankan diaspora living and working in Italy, as it has improved job prospects and future employment opportunities, allowing them to contribute more effectively as a productive expatriate community.

The visit of Italy’s Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Maria Tripodi, to Sri Lanka in September 2025, marked a significant strengthening in Sri Lanka’s evolving foreign relations with Italy. The visit included high-level discussions with Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya and Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, and was aimed at bilateral cooperation across cultural, education, and economic (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Foreign Employment and Tourism, Sri Lanka). A key highlight of the visit was the signing of ‘Memorandum of Understanding on the Establishment of a Political Consultations Mechanism’, marking a step towards strengthening bilateral ties and diplomatic engagement, at the beginning of what officials describe as a ‘new institutional chapter’ in bilateral relations (Lanka News Web, 2025).

With this background of bilateral relations, which addressed more collaborative mechanisms, the calls for strengthening cultural diplomacy remains a potential avenue for a further deepening of the longstanding ties. In today’s interdependent world system, there has been a growing recognition of the potential of Soft Power. This concept of Soft Power which was introduced by Joseph Nye, to describe the ability of one country to shape the attitudes of another (Nye, 2004), is widely used by countries in their relationships with foreign nations. Herein cultural diplomacy is often viewed as a strategic instrument for projecting a nation's identity and values on the global stage, thereby influencing how other countries perceive its foreign policy objectives.

For Milton C. Cummings, cultural diplomacy, was “the exchange of ideas, information, art, and other aspects of culture among nations and their peoples in order to foster mutual understanding” (UNESCO, 2022). At its core, cultural diplomacy involves the exchange of ideas, art, language, music, cinema, fashion, architecture and other cultural aspects between nations to build bridges and enhance relationships and image abroad. It enables nations to influence global perceptions. In that context, how can Sri Lanka and Italy advance relations by using cultural diplomacy as an effective tool? To address this question, several ideas could be suggested to enhance bilateral relations.

Building bridges through language and education exchanges

For Italy, the cultural soft power promoted through cultural diplomacy has always been an important foreign policy instrument (Medici, 2019). Culture is an essential part of Italy’s identity, making its image abroad, as the Italian language represents a key principle of Italy’s foreign policy (Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation). Such an area can be collaboratively strengthened further with Sri Lanka, to establish more meaningful and deeper bilateral relations.

Sri Lanka, with its rich cultural heritage, beaches, wildlife and authentic experiences, was ranked among the top 10 destinations to travel to in 2025 by BBC Travel’s inaugural guide to the world’s top travel spots (Rizkiya, 2025). Sri Lanka has quietly captivated travellers for decades, and according to the Sri Lanka Tourism Development Authority, 43,948 tourists from Italy arrived in Sri Lanka up to November 2025, out of a total of 2,103,593 international tourists in 2025.

Italy is also home to a significant Sri Lankan expatriate community of which 102,906 Sri Lankans legally reside in Italy. They represent the 11th largest community of non-European citizenship (Report on the Sri Lankan Community in Italy, 2022). This highlights the need for strong partnership and collaboration in the spheres of linguistic and cultural exchange which have potential to deepen the dynamic and mutually rewarding relationship between two countries.

The ability to communicate in the Italian language is not only essential to the Sri Lankan diaspora in Italy, but it is important to communicate with Italians effectively, and to interact with Italians visiting Sri Lanka. Italy has the 8th largest economy in the world, and is ranked third among the European economic powers. For Sri Lanka, collaborating more with Italy is essential to achieve its tourism-oriented economy as well as for foreign revenue.

In the education sector, it is found that a significant number of migrants arrive in Italy with the purpose of higher studies. There are a number of scholarship programmes offered by the Italian government (Embassy of Italy in Colombo), and as a European Union member state, Italy funds the Erasmus scholarship programme, which underscores Italy’s cultural exchanges at the educational level. This strengthens a range of collaborations in intellectual exchange, in education. Such initiatives for the younger generation, while fostering international student exchanges at all levels between Italy and Sri Lanka, can be implemented as consistent long-term partnerships, sharing the two countries' deep understanding. The exchange of persons is an important basis for enhancing mutual understanding among different cultures and strengthening relationships with foreign countries.

Herein, education can become an asset and contribute to a country’s attractiveness. Providing financial assistance and scholarships in order to expand influence of culture and language improves the strong bond between bilateral relations and improve its image internationally. Therefore, expanding language educational networks supports Italy’s diplomacy and helps Sri Lanka too.

Application of cultural partnerships

In the cultural sphere, the Italian Embassy in Sri Lanka promotes Italian culture through various collaborations, enhancing mutual understanding between Italy and Sri Lanka. Introducing Italian culture, cinema, and performances, as well as Italian cuisine, fashion, and architecture, to Sri Lanka, and introducing Sri Lanka's rich culture to Italy, is a clear mode of cultural exchange that can be collaboratively developed to foster a deep understanding of lifestyles and build deep trust. It could enhance tourism, support cultural policy initiatives and indirectly influence trade and education as well. The key is designing programmes that align with broader state objectives. Cultural diplomacy is not just about showcasing beauty. When applied thoughtfully, even the local batik tradition, Sanni and Kolam masks and traditional dancing can become instruments of national strategy.

Italian cinema, with its artistic emotional depth, has captivated audiences worldwide. Through their masterpieces, Italy has showcased its culture, history and society values. Thus, Italy’s cinematic productions not only entertain they also become tools of cultural diplomacy, creating bridges between Italy and the world. This has enhanced international relationships and understanding through the universal language of film.

Italy has a long history of rich culture and is one of the countries that has placed great importance on fostering its culture abroad. In the Brand Finance Global Soft Power Index 2025, which evaluates all 193 member states of the United Nations (Jagodzinski, 2025) based on international influence through culture, business, and diplomacy, Italy maintains its strong position at 9th position out of 193 countries, indicating a consistent and powerful global influence.

With several medals including products and brands the world loves – ‘Culture & Heritage’, ‘Food the World Loves’, ‘Great Place to Visit’, and ‘Friendly’, Italy leads its rich culture in reshaping perceptions of its global standing. (Brand Finance Global Soft Power Index, 2025) which highlights Italy’s way of forward as a global influence in the context of soft power.

Italian cooking has been awarded special cultural heritage status by the United Nations' cultural agency, UNESCO (BBC, 2025). Italian cuisine is more than just food. It is a global cultural phenomenon, from pasta to pizza, it beautifully connects people, creating a shared sense of enjoyment. If the two countries start food exhibitions, leveraging Italian food culture in Sri Lanka, that would create more economic opportunities by embracing the Italian world heritage food culture among those who are enthusiastic on leveraging collaboration in cuisine.

When a country showcases its cultural heritage through exhibitions, performances, awareness programmes or educational programmes abroad, it can create a favourable image that can touch people’s emotions and values, shaping their perceptions of the country’s broader diplomatic intentions. The key to strengthening bilateral relations is addressing the lack of an Italian cultural institute in Sri Lanka and establishing a cultural centre that promotes collaborative projects and events, which could significantly benefit both countries and lead to more economic opportunities and a better understanding of diplomatic objectives.

Strengthening the digital platform and dialogues

In this globalised 21st century, the presence of digital platforms and media are essential for the promotion of culture, leveraging diplomatic networks among the international community. It is important to mention that with digital platforms there is capacity to reach a wider audience and achieve consistent and long-term outcomes. For example, the Sri Lankan diaspora in Italy, contributes to Italian society while maintaining good cultural links with their homeland, Sri Lanka. Through social media, many Sri Lankans share creative ideas and Italian culture with Sri Lankan society, promoting Italian content in an effective framework. Moreover, the promotion of dialogue between Italy and Sri Lanka, and promoting research on Italy and Sri Lanka’s politics, foreign policy, economy, culture, and society, deepens understanding about the two countries. Such measures are also important in developing collaborative initiatives, which open more opportunities for both countries. It contributes to the development of a positive attitude towards the country and to a broader application of the soft power in the present stage. Creating friendly networks that help bridge diverse and open new pathways toward cooperation.

Conclusion

Soft power can be very useful for a country, as it can achieve its goals simply because others admire and are influenced by it. This is the reason why, in the context of soft power, cultural diplomacy is very important. As a developing country, Sri Lanka has more measures that are required and much greater effort to achieve the economic progress of Italy, but these two countries are culturally diverse and have been diplomatically cordial towards each other since the establishment of diplomatic ties. Thus, soft power needs to be leveraged for the advancement of both countries’ ties.

Cultural diplomacy represents a tool in strengthening Sri Lanka-Italy bilateral relations. While economic and strategic cooperation remains important, culture provides a human-centred approach that builds trust, goodwill, and long-lasting partnerships between the two countries. By investing more systematically in cultural diplomacy, both countries can strengthen their bilateral relationship, enhance mutual understanding, and contribute positively to people-to-people connections in an increasingly interconnected world.

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RUSSIA OVERSHADOWS G7 2022 SUMMIT

GUEST COMMENTARY by Banura Nandathilake

Despite being an informal collective of ‘advanced economic’ liberal democratic states, the Group of 7 (G7) bringing together Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan and the United Kingdom and the United States have fervent goals. Held from 26 to 28 June 2022, the summit was in response to a global society capsized by division and shocks, as a call to unite and join to defend ‘universal human rights and democratic values, the rules-based multilateral order, and the resilience of democratic societies’ (G7, 2022). The viability of such remains to be seen.

Formed in 1975, leading states in a world of global economic recession induced by the OPEC oil embargo understood it may be in their mutual interest to coordinate on macroeconomic interdependencies. While it was first a forum for Finance ministers to hold annual meetings, the G7 developed into a round-table between leaders of the Western World. In 1988, Russia joined the G7, which was then named the G8 albeit temporarily until Russia’s dismissal for its annexation of Crimea from Ukraine.

The G7 states in the contemporary, with an aggregate that represents 45 percent of the global economy in nominal terms and 10% of the world’s population, hold annual summits to coordinate economic policy goals, facilitate collective action on transnational issues and propagate neo liberal norms, in conjunction with the European Union and other invitees. All 7 member states are identified as mature and advanced democracies with a Human Development Index score of 0.800 or higher.

Unlike international organisations and groups such as NATO, the G7 group has no formal legal existence, no permanent secretariat or official members. It thus has no legally binding rules that abide by or ratify states to uphold decisions and commitments made at G7 meetings. As such, while compliance with G7 norms is procedurally voluntary, they are impacted by social norms of persuasion, influence, mutual accountability and reputation. Topics of conversation between member states have encompassed growing challenges such as counterterrorism, development, education, health, human rights and climate change.

The 2022 Summit

From 26-28 June 2022, the leaders of G7 States met in Elmau, Germany joined by the leaders of Argentina, India, Indonesia, Senegal and South Africa, as well as Ukraine. Representatives included German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi, US President Joe Biden, British Prime Minister Boris Johnson, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, French President Emmanuel Macron, European Council President Charles Michel and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen,

The summit focused on the Covid-19 crisis, climate change, the Russian Ukrainian conflict, and China. 

Climate Change

The shared concerns of climate change were a major topic of discussion during the 2022 Summit. The group endorsed the goals of an open and cooperative international Climate Club, in alignment with the 1.5°C pathways and hastened the implementation of the Paris agreement. The group further pledged to commit to a decarbonised transportation sector by 2030, a fully or predominantly decarbonised power sector by 2035. However, the latter may have been incentivised by political concerns of Western states to a major degree.

Liberal Democracies of the West

Liberal democracies may be understood to exist where the state subscribes to a liberal economic system and a democratic political system. A concise summary of such is as a liberal economic system proscribes significant political control over an decentralised, capitalistic, market driven economic system, as it is understood that the market mechanism is the most efficient means of linking demand to supply, market to consumer. A democracy may be understood as a domestic political model which, in conjunction with an impartial judiciary, free media and others, elected representatives aim to promote a decentralised representative governance through accountable, transparent and inclusive institutions.

By virtue of being a liberal democracy, all member states find common ground, parallel norms, alignment of macro foreign policy goals and understanding with each other. This allows the informal G7 to coordinate hard power security and economic interdependence in addition to cooperating with civil society groups to promote human rights, and uphold a democratic zone of peace in the face of non-democratic powers. A strong culture of mutual accountability exists between G7 states. Accountability may be through internal processors of the forum, where social norms allow for persuasion and disincentivize coercion. Coercion may not at all be necessary, as liberal democratic states would all be of a positive sum world view. Furthermore, the level of trade interdependence between states would act as means of checks and balances, as every state is needed by the other, thus it is in every G7 state’s interest to be in their good books.

The Illiberal Rest

Russia and China, in addition to states such as Iran, Saudi Arabia and Venezuela are understood by the West to be illiberal states. Both major powers, albeit one a receding power, have capitalist and liberal economic systems where the state’s political machine exerts a heavy pressure on the market mechanism. While the state may be able to provide a higher quality safety net to its citizens by restraining the destructive forces of capitalism to better allocate scarce resources amongst the vulnerable, significant barriers to such exist. China’s GDP has grown at a surprising rate vis a vis other developing states, which has allowed the CCP significant geopolitical leverage. However, China’s domestic political model is authoritarian, whereby citizens do not have much say in how they are governed. Exclusive political institutions have no means of accountability or transparency, which leads to significant corruption. As Wedeman (2004) analyses, corruption is a feature of the Chinese system, thereby stifling economic and social growth. Corruption and lack of domestic checks and balances to those in power may be more apparent in Russia than China, where the control of the Kremlin and the Oligarchs have poignant effects on not just its citizens but also its neighbours; as the lack of domestic accountability may mean the lack of stringent checks balances, which then mean lesser shackles on the zero-sum ambitions.

Russia-Ukraine Conflict

The Russia-Ukraine conflict may be interpreted as a conflict between the forces of liberal democratic values of positive peace, pluralism and self-determination versus a one man’s nostalgic dreams of a ‘Neo’ USSR. Being at complete odds, the reaffirmed condemnation of Russia’s ‘’illegal and unjustifiable war of aggression against Ukraine’’ by the liberal democratic G7 states is hardly a surprise. Nor is their promise of ‘’needed financial, humanitarian, military, and diplomatic support’’ for Ukraine in its defence of its sovereignty, during its path on a free and democratic society.

The Sanctions Regime

Sanctions and more sanctions were promised by the group of seven advanced economies, who vowed to “align and expand targeted sanctions to further restrict Russia’’ in its access to key technological industrial imports and services. Such a move would severely restrict the ability to sustain their war machine thereby adhering to security commitments to Ukraine. The G7 Leaders pledged new sanctions on Russians who had committed war crimes in Ukraine, and are contributing to exacerbating “global food insecurity” by “stealing and exporting Ukrainian grain”. New penalties on Russian gold exports were further proposed, as well as a cap on the oil price to phase out global dependency on Russian energy.

However, a complete restriction of the import of Russian energy may be an ambitious task. European nations such as France get a quarter of their oil and 40% of their gas from Russia. While Germany has halted the progress of the controversial Nord Stream 2 pipeline, the EU has currently agreed to reduce its Russian gas imports by only two-thirds. President Biden however is banning all Russian oil and gas imports to the US, and the UK is ready to phase out Russian oil by the end of the year. The US, UK and Ukrainian Leaders are keen for other G7 nations to follow suit.

Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who joined in on a trio of meetings via Videolink, stated that the summit will show "who is our friend, who is our partner and who sold us out and betrayed us". He reiterated his calls for fresh deliveries of weaponry, as he believes Russia will want to extend the war until winter wherein they could make new territorial gains to consolidate power. The financial support of G7 allies in 2022 already amounts to more than USD 2.8 billion in humanitarian aid, and a further USD 29.5 billion is pledged in supporting Ukrainian reconstruction.

China and the BRI

A growing China poses a “threefold threat” to G7 countries — economically, ideologically, and geopolitically. China’s GDP is second only to the US and it is fast catching up. China’s growing state-overseen tech industry, fuelled by globalisation and interdependence, is fast spreading a culture of surveillance and censorship, which act as means for the globalisation of authoritarianism. Said authoritarian ideals are further spread through Chinese geopolitical projects and alliances such as the BRI, which usually focus on developing, quasi democratic states with little to no accountability such as those in Africa and Central Asia. Furthermore, China’s action with regard to the Uyghurs in the Xinjiang region and its influence in Hong Kong have drawn condemnation from G7 members. China’s growing trade and defence ties with Russia have also caused concerns.

A Western Counter to the BRI

A Western counter to the BRI emerged during the G7 summit, aptly named Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment. The BRI is a global infrastructure development strategy which was developed as per Chinese leader Xi Jinping's vision in 2013, as a means for China to assume a greater role in global politics by easing access to China and its capabilities and boosting global GDP. Dubbed the Belt and Road Initiative and with over 145 countries signed up, the BRI is currently constructing a network of overland routes, rail transportation, sea lanes and energy pipelines to connect China to Southeast Asia, Central and South Asia, the Middle East, Europe and Africa. However, the project has been criticised as a tool to increase China’s political leverage in developing countries. Thereby, the BRI has been criticised for neocolonialism, economic imperialism.

In such a context, the G7 had launched a $600bn Build Back Better World (B3W) initiative infrastructure plan to counter China, in private and public funds to finance infrastructure in developing low and middle-income countries over five years. By working to narrow the global investment gap, the B3W would create new Just Energy Transition Partnerships with Indonesia, India, Senegal and Vietnam, building on existing partnerships with South Africa.

While US President Biden understood that “Developing countries often lack the essential infrastructure to help navigate global shocks (thus) feel the impacts … and they have a harder time recovering,” he stressed that the B3W “isn’t aid or charity. It’s an investment that will deliver returns for everyone”. Despite being dwarfed in comparison to the multi-trillion-dollar BRI, the B3W offers means of accountability, transparency and mutual trust between the neo liberal developed states and the developing states. The initiative would, according to Biden, further allow developing states to “see the concrete benefits of partnering with democracies”. While a cynic may argue that the developed have no interest in the developing other than exploitation and/or self-interest, and such may be observed to be true, President Biden may have been right when he said that underdevelopment is “not just a humanitarian concern, but an economic and a security concern for all”.

Mutual gains depend on interdependence, and without developing countries, there cannot be any sustainable recovery of the world economy. However, the development of low-income states is necessary but insufficient for a holistic global economic recovery, which remains shadowed by the conflict of value systems: liberal and illiberal, democratic and authoritarian.