A PAUSED PARTNERSHIP? Sri Lanka’s Incomplete Integration into the SCO

By Abheetha Kodikara

The ‘Shanghai Five’ organization was renamed in 2001 as the ‘Shanghai Cooperation Organization’ with the inclusion of Uzbekistan. The next large expansion was the inclusion of India and Pakistan in 2017. The organization also has categories such as observer states and dialogue partners, which bring together many countries. Sri Lanka obtained dialogue partnership in 2009 and still remains in that position today. This article attempts to understand why Sri Lanka has remained a dialogue partner for sixteen years.

Many countries that joined the Shanghai Cooperation Organization after Sri Lanka, have already progressed beyond observer status to full membership. Against this background Sri Lanka’s limited interest or awareness of the SCO has become questionable. Did Sri Lanka ever want to go beyond dialogue partner status? Does Sri Lanka lack enthusiasm to seize opportunities through engagement with the SCO? Are there strategic planning gaps?

These aspects require analytical scrutiny. Since its establishment, the SCO has evolved into a powerful institution. It has expanded its network from Eurasia to South Asia, and further into West Asia. The attraction however is likely dependent on whether the goals of the partner countries have been met through the organization. The goals of the organization affect the engagement of the relevant countries, with the organization. The SCO is no longer limited to addressing terrorism, extremism and separatism. It also focuses on enhancing economic prosperity, trade among member states and energy cooperation.

In such a context, Sri Lanka’s prolonged status as a dialogue partner since 2009 indicates a lack of enthusiasm towards achieving more substantial goals. It must be questioned whether this is due to the country being trapped in significant debt dependency on China, or whether Sri Lanka is struggling to gain tangible benefits in trade, investment, and energy while maintaining a steady non-aligned foreign policy.

In 2013, a Memorandum of Understanding to create an Energy Club was signed among the SCO member states, observers, and dialogue partners. Yet, there remains a lack of awareness and knowledge of the steps taken by Sri Lanka to engage closely in the Energy Club.

An attempt is made to understand the lack of progress of membership from a theoretical perspective of regional cooperation. Starting with realism, it focuses on power dynamics, self-interest and survival strategies of states within an archaic global system. Why then has there been no attempt to increase power dynamics or self-interest? When considering regime theory and liberalism, the focus is on how institutions can enhance international and regional cooperation by working together. In the current world, it is increasingly important that states work together to achieve peace, security, prosperity, poverty reduction, and equality among other priorities. Thus, relatively small states like Sri Lanka would benefit economically, in fulfilling the nation’s needs.

In discussing the topic further, it is understood that policy reforms were not taken seriously or enthusiastically, by considering the benefits of cooperation. In addition, the lack of domestic awareness and institutional capacity are key arguments when it comes to Sri Lanka remaining at the same level on the SCO’s membership portal.

In fact, the awareness about the SCO among Sri Lanka’s policymakers, scholars, media and civil society is minimal. The absence of a national policy on SCO engagement and the minimal attention or sustainability of a dedicated SCO unit within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, underlines this weakness. The critique here is that for any multilateral partnership, whether it is SCO or any other regional alliance, in order to yield a meaningful process, there must be domestic institutional readiness and proper awareness. Without an official framework and policy structures, the partnership cannot evolve beyond symbolic affiliation.

What is also relevant for this study is the absence of bilateral follow-up mechanisms between Sri Lanka and Central Asian states. This is a key challenge as, unlike the other dialogue partners such as Türkiye or Egypt which have leveraged bilateral ties with SCO members, Sri Lanka lacks the structural bilateral dialogue or economic corridors. Sri Lanka also lacks free trade agreements or largescale diplomatic missions in several SCO countries. The absence of high-level political visits to and from key Central Asian States also further limits influence.

When examining these reasons, it is clear that improving dialogue partnership status would only be possible with parallel bilateral cooperation. Yet a point to urgently note is that Sri Lanka has not proactively engaged in such follow-up initiatives through SCO platforms.

Therefore, in conclusion, Sri Lanka must develop a National SCO engagement strategy, strengthen relations with Central Asian states, through trade, diplomacy and academic exchanges while managing India-China dynamics within the organization carefully to build institutional awareness about the potential of the SCO. Using the dialogue partnership platform to foster strategic trust would gradually strengthen the partnership and result in observer status.

The presence of Sri Lanka in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization is mostly ceremonial. What should be realised is that cooperation would ensure economic benefits which Sri Lanka needs at this time.

THE DEMOCRACY THAT IS INDIA: INTRIGUING, EVOLVING AND INSPIRING

Marking 75 years of Indian Independence

By George I. H. Cooke

Preserving democratic values, ensuring the maintenance of democratic standards and strengthening the process of democratization, are formidable measures for any country. When a country with a population of nearly one and a half billion embraces democracy as its political ideology, continuously champions this system for more than seven decades and implements it across the entirety of its length and breadth and at all levels of its political being, it is clear that democracy has been able to withstand much. India is today the largest democracy on the planet, and with its position comes much responsibility.

The democratization of India, whereby the world saw the abandoning of hereditary monarchical systems, and the dismantling of the privileged structure that had existed even through colonialism, was to set India on a pedestal. Yet this pedestal was not one of natural influence and ability. It did not occur accidentally either. It was to be one on which and from which India, her leaders and people would be called upon to formulate and implement policies that would sustain democracy, nurture its values and ensure that all - irrespective of their communities, religions and castes - who identified as Indian, would be beneficiaries. The journey was not without its challenges, but it is the journey itself that remains remarkable.

The Intrigue - Lessons of the Past

At Independence, Jawaharlal Nehru, was at pains to ensure that India remained a secular nation, which rallied around the Indian flag and identified primarily as Indians, before all else. Undoubtedly it was a firm foundation that gave the Indian nation a strong start. His presence at the helm for seventeen years till 1964 guaranteed that the seeds he sowed would have the opportunity to grow unhindered for nearly two decades. In many neighbouring countries of South Asia, leaders at independence did not survive for even a decade thereafter to see the results of their pre-independence struggles or to fully implement policies they deemed fit for their emerging countries.

India thus received an advantageous commencement on a journey, that has seemed more like a race, with neighbours, with the Cold War, with non-alignment, and with economic liberalization among other entities and concepts, but most importantly with internal challenges of keeping a country as diverse, as different, and as divided as India, together. This diversity is upheld today as a great boost for image and publicity in the international community. Yet arriving at the present involved much cohabitation, compromise and cooperation, that was, is and continues to be unparalleled in the world.

The Evolution – Overcoming Challenges

While it is argued that the holding of elections at regular intervals and electing leaders are not the totality of democracy, they are key components. In the last 75 years Indians have elected leaders and political parties and in so doing removed others, who were subsequently bought back at later times. Leaders have resigned, died in office, been assassinated, Parliament has been attacked, the fundamentals of democracy have come under siege, but despite all of these occurrences and much more, the Republic remains strong. Presiding over a federal system that aims to embrace the diversity and overcome the differences is a complex task. In reflecting upon that which has been, it is evident that the complexity has been comprehended. If not, the Republic would have disintegrated quite some time ago.

Lincoln observed that people remain at the core of any democracy. Whether the ones who are elected, or the ones who elect, it is people who are the direct beneficiaries of any democratic society. Thus, people must never leave the equation nor allow themselves to be excluded from it. If any attempt has been made or is being made to restrict that which a democracy affords, all effort needs to be exerted to rein in the constrictions and permit instead the prevalence and proliferation of all that a democracy stands for.

In neighbouring Sri Lanka, the oldest democracy in this part of the world having gained universal franchise in 1931, when efforts were underway to undermine people, with ill-advised policies, erroneous decisions, incompetent leadership and heightened corruption, that collectively misled a nation of 21 million, people rose up. In proof that democracies are constantly evolving, the people forced leaders out of office due to the aforementioned reasons, and demanded change. While mandates are given at elections, mandates can also be withdrawn especially through mass protests that signify the displeasure of the people and their desire to safeguard the democratic standards that are enshrined in the constitution and which must be preserved in a democracy.

The Inspiration - Strategizing for the Future

Democracy with all its complexities and connotations is still the optimal governance system for any country. Giving people the freedom to elect their representatives who in turn are called upon to formulate sound policies which would have a positive impact on the entirety of the polity, is by far the accepted form of governance, and is widely practiced. India, as the world’s largest democracy has a bigger burden. This is not confined to the implementation of proactive democratic principles within the country alone. It extends to the immediate sub region, the greater Asian region, and the international community. The Indian model, despite its complications and conundrums experienced within, is still the largest working model in the world today. With the growth in population, this position is not likely to be changed for the rest of the 21^st century, and would only be further strengthened in the decades to come.

The onus is thus on India. Indian leaders have an obligation to their people, which extends beyond. The first obligation is to the people of the vast country to be able to live in a society that enshrines basics freedoms, guarantees equality in all respects, and promotes understanding amid diversity. At no time must the citizenry of a country that occupies this primal position be forced to compromise on their freedoms, have their voices silenced, find themselves bereft of recourse to justice, encounter an erosion of democratic institutions, or have any form of ideology foisted upon them. The liberal nature of democracy can create space for such challenges to thrive, but it is the people who remain at the core, and who must be able to thwart any weakening or destabilizing of the democratic norms upon which their nation has been built.

The second obligation is to countries that adhere to the democratic form of governance. If a country the size of India falters, the repercussions would be widespread. Thus far the country has survived in close geographic proximity to two of the largest countries, that advocate different policies of governance. Whilst their preferred policies have been implemented for decades, and would prove effective for them as a means of governance, the larger Asian neighbourhood has adopted democratic norms, as has most of the world. Any faltering or failure to remain the strong, representative democracy that India was envisioned to be at independence, would prove detrimental to many.

Given the challenging global environment in which democracy attempts to thrive, with a skew of ‘isms’ disrupting countries and their courses, India has a third obligation to the democratic tradition as a whole. The concept was first coined in the middle of the 5^th century to denote the system of governance in Greek city states, which had populations of several thousands. Thereafter it survived millennia, and is today practiced in a single country that possesses a population of nearly one and a half billion. This is testimony to the fundamental importance of the system, its traits and what it proffers its adherents. Therein India remains an inspiration to all, from fledgling states to well-founded ones, and cannot renounce its role.

As India surges ahead towards further milestones, it is the action taken at present, that would see the country emerge as a global giant or remain a regional power. Whether through partnerships with the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) or membership in the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multisectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) or even Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), through intensified performance in larger multilateral bodies like the United Nations and its affiliated agencies and organizations, or even in its bilateral relations in South Asia and the world, India can readily rely on two key features, democracy and diplomacy. Both have been strategically implemented and have stood the country in good stead. However as with all key characteristics, no lapses can be encountered, no slips allowed and no mistakes permitted.

India’s place in the world, and also in history has been guaranteed to a large extent by its democratic credentials, which have been bolstered by an effective diplomatic apparatus. In its engagement with the people of India, the people of the region, and those of the world, the Indian leadership has and must continue to safeguard democratic ideals, and guarantee their implementation. A strategized foreign policy administered by an effective and efficient diplomatic structure will see the country raise its stakes for global leadership, realize that which was envisaged more than seven decades ago, and reinforce the enormity of potential and opportunity of the country and her people.

 

 

 

 

 

AN AIR DIPLOMACY POLICY FOR SRI LANKA: Sri Lanka Air Force reaches its 70th anniversary

By George I. H. Cooke

On the eve of the 20^th century the Wright Brothers tested their wing-warping control concept of a flying device which revolutionized travel. Their invention in July 1899 set the pace for advancements in aviation that saw humans not only flying around the world but venturing further, into outer space and even landing on the moon 70 years later in 1969. To date, many other aspects of air travel have intensified with the space race playing a key role. 

The intrinsic patterns of history which resulted in the rise and fall of states have seen a significant development throughout the twentieth century as air travel intensified to its current level of operation. The ability to cross regions and continents in shorter periods of time altered the practice of diplomacy itself. Whilst diplomats played a critical role for centuries as the emissaries of leaders, who rarely or never met, increased air travel has enabled connectivity at the highest level, resulting in the diplomat needing to evolve and for the practice of diplomacy to become more indepth and specialized.

Amidst these vast strides in diplomacy and transportation, the Air Power of states has grown significantly allowing for its use in times of emergency and need, as well as during conflict. Air Diplomacy and its usage, is of paramount relevance for an island nation, such as Sri Lanka. Given that connectivity and defence are the basic tenants upon which states like Sri Lanka have survived for millennia, the rationale for Air Diplomacy is imperative. An Air Diplomacy policy would generate new opportunities for Sri Lanka and Foreign policy, while increasing the potential of the Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF).

An innovative Air Diplomacy policy needs to be rationalized on two levels, bilateral and multilateral. Identifying critical areas of governance and incorporation of strategy to achieve overarching objectives ensures the creation of a state which can harness opportunities, develop industry, prosper people and equally importantly, increase its presence and influence on the world stage. All nation states, irrespective of their size, location or resources, look to enhance their potential and power. A comprehensive Air Diplomacy Policy augurs well for defence, strengthens foreign policy, boosts diplomacy and increases connectivity.

Developed countries race into the future with the latest innovations and modern technology, with immense power and intense influence. The advancements are spread across private and public sectors, with states improving infrastructure, enhancing air capabilities and incorporating this dimension into diplomacy to increase connectivity. Developing countries heavy reliance on diplomatic engagement to remain formidable players on the world’s stage often lack sufficient infrastructure and budgetary constraints.

It is thus necessary for such countries, including Sri Lanka to explore areas of cooperation through which the synergy of joint collaboration would yield positive results. A concerted policy of Air Diplomacy would result in a plethora of opportunities which portend well for the betterment of the SLAF as one of the key implementing agencies. It would be a venture into a hitherto untapped area of expertise that would advance diplomatic engagement and strengthen foreign policy tools at the disposal of the state.

BILATERAL ENGAGEMENT    

Sri Lanka has numerous missions which are accredited to more countries. Continuous interactions with these countries form the first tier from which an Air Diplomacy policy could be activated. This could be established by the SLAF, through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Sri Lanka Missions as well as resident missions in Sri Lanka and Honorary Consuls. Reaching out to as many countries as possible conveys a strong message of interest and seriousness while raising awareness towards the national initiative. 

Of the countries with which Sri Lanka engages, many are those from which purchases of ammunition, equipment, aircraft, vessels have been made. Given their importance and the rationale for closer relations, it would be prudent to propose solid cooperation such as structured joint sessions between the militaries, and joint drills, with foreign Air Forces. This interface would lead to deeper understanding, better cooperation and stronger connectivity, especially at times of need. As leaders in the aviation sector, these countries have the capacity and capability to extend cooperation in the technology sharing sphere.

RESEARCH AND TRAINING

Research remains a crucial factor for policy formulation. Efforts have to be made to understand the nature and potential of Air Diplomacy, through collaboration among academia, the SLAF and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs if the endeavour is to succeed. A thorough study would reveal areas in which strengths exist, weaknesses persist, opportunities abound and threats maybe perceived. Equally important are case studies of other countries, their Air Forces, the nature of collaboration therein and the means through which such policies have been formulated and implemented. Countries look to increase Air Power and what appears as sole Air Power strategies would possess critical processes in which Air Diplomacy has been incorporated.

In June 2019, the integral air partnership between France and Singapore came in for praise. Singapore’s Senior Minister of State for Defence Heng Chee How speaking at the Cazauz Air Base in France noted that the opportunity to train alongside a very professional Air Force, such as the French Air Force spoke volumes of the practical value of the bilateral collaboration. He observed that a strong and capable defence must include a strong Air Force, which has the ability to train its pilots well. The collaboration was good for both countries as Singapore gained the latest technique and precision, while France deepened ties with an Asian ally.

In July 2019 military cooperation was enhanced through joint air patrols as Russia and China negotiated an agreement for deeper cooperation and conducted their first joint patrol mission over the Sea of Japan. The agreement was an extension of one that was agreed in 1993 which focused on conditions for cooperation in military technology. It also detailed training, learning and information exchanges, mutual assistance in servicing weapons and military equipment and conducting joint research and commemorative military events.

These are unique platform for countries to consolidate their relations and strategize collectively. The depth of the partnerships would be felt in situations of tension as these strategic partners bolster each other. Sri Lanka would do well to attempt deepening such partnerships for research and training thereby widening existing opportunities afforded from foreign Air Forces. The exposure that SLAF officers would receive would enable them to gain knowledge and insight into the latest innovations and technology whilst also equipping them with deeper understanding of countries and their policies.

Programmes at the Junior Command and Staff Course could see more foreign participants, who would understand Sri Lanka better, and comprehend the trajectory of the country. Their presence in increased numbers would in turn allow Sri Lankan officers to grasp subtleties of foreign forces through interactions and this would yield vital results in the long term as these officers progress in seniority in their respective forces and retain a unique connection to Sri Lanka. A senior level programme would also be beneficial in yielding such results and be a supplementary platform for interaction. Similarly a concerted effort is required to obtain reciprocal placements in foreign Air Force Academies. From the sporting arena, through friendly aircraft visits, bilateral drills and air shows at periodic stages through which an interest is generated among the general public connectivity would be deepened between the two Forces and countries. Avenues for engagement remain limitless. An Air Diplomacy policy would contribute towards Sri Lanka’s overall bilateral engagement.

MULTILATERAL ENGAGEMENT

The second tier of multilateral engagement could see regional conclaves through existing regional mechanisms or through new structures. While South Asian cooperation seems too early, Sri Lanka could play a catalytic role of bringing Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) countries together to implement a policy of Air Diplomacy and enhance security cooperation.

Sri Lanka currently chairs the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) with leadership delegated in the area of technology. BIMSTEC is an ideal platform from which military cooperation can be promoted with an Air Diplomacy Policy. This position of leadership gives Sri Lanka the possibility of reaching out to other member states and embarking on a new initiative. Air connectivity remains pivotal for states and the incorporation of such a policy would bode well to strengthen regional ties, and serve as a platform for increased development of the Air Forces of each member state.

Furthermore, within the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), wherein Sri Lanka is a dialogue partner, the country could seek deeper engagement, even actively campaigning for full membership, while articulating the contribution, especially in the area of counter terrorism that the country would be able to make, and gain through collaboration with other member states, observers and dialogue partners. Having identified the three evils of separatism, terrorism and extremism, the SCO undertakes numerous initiatives which include military drills at the All-SCO level. Awareness of the impact of such exercises is not widely discussed but the presence of the political leadership at the drills denotes the growing significance of the organisation. Inclusion of India and Pakistan in 2017 increased the importance of the grouping as its area of coverage reaches across South Asia. 2021 marks two decades of the SCO and it would be prudent for Sri Lanka to increase its membership even at this stage.

Of the member states, China has constructed and utilizes special warehouses and other infrastructure to carry out simulations for military exercises as part of training. This is done to recreate the environment and provide for varied terrain which is required for complete training purposes. Sri Lanka, possessing different forms of natural terrain within the country, as well as the vast territory, in which the conflict was waged, and the ideal temperature and topography to simulate tropical environments, would be able to offer a complete option to China and SCO. These conditions are not curtailed to the land and extend further throughout the diversity found with regard to the sea and especially in relation to the air space over varied forms of land, and the sea.

Sri Lanka and Russia have enjoyed close diplomatic relations since 1957. In contemporary times, Sri Lanka has experienced the wholehearted support of Russia, especially in international fora. Sri Lanka needs to reach out to Russia and seek support in expanding its membership in SCO. Sri Lanka should not merely seek membership to add yet another international grouping to its list of multilateral engagement bodies. Sri Lanka is more than a decade after ending a violent terrorist conflict on its soil and is in a position to share its experiences with the world. It is this experience that Sri Lanka needs to take to the SCO table, and for which Russia and other countries in the grouping would find the provision of full membership noteworthy. The platform exists, and it is up to Sri Lanka to make the initiative of interacting that much more.

While the aspect of terrain would augur well for overall military cooperation, a proposal based on Air Diplomacy creates a new platform for collaboration. Whilst the joint military drills are carried out in member states, the floating of a new initiative of this nature would give dialogue partners the opportunity of being included in such exercises.

Smaller countries stand to gain much from such groupings and questions are raised over their contribution in return. It is imperative that countries like Sri Lanka ‘bring to the table’ the decades of experience, especially in the fields of counter terrorism, and are identified as countries that have acted with determination and deserve due recognition for the contribution made in thwarting terror on its soil. The offer of fresh initiatives, expertise and territory – land, sea and air - translate into tangible aspects of cooperation which would be welcomed by the SCO and would bode well for Sri Lanka, if and when the country decides to seek full membership in the grouping.

AIR DIPLOMACY DIALOGUE

Exploring new areas of air connectivity through the creation of a ‘Shangri la Dialogue’ model could be implemented for purposes of Air Diplomacy. This platform would generate immense opportunities for Air Chiefs, multiple stakeholders from the field and technical experts to converge each year in a bid to discuss military aviation issues, multilateral cooperation, enhance regional security as well as improve humanitarian assistance and relief efforts. The conference would also serve as a hub for the sharing of information on suspicious air activity, response to terror threats, and measures that could be adopted to thwart such activity and threats.

This ‘Air Diplomacy Dialogue’ structured to bring together the government, military and academia would converge vital sectors in securing the best possible opportunities for the countries concerned. With representation from the government hierarchy, military command and academicians, consensus could be sought and reached on regional and international issues in the field of air power. Sri Lanka’s hosting of such a venture, although financially intense would give the island an unparalleled niche in this sphere. This initiative would require a solid entrenchment in the sector first and it would be prudent to realize such a Dialogue in the long term. Realizing this initiative would make the island the centre of Air Diplomacy and the key node in the dialogue on Air Power in South Asia.

AIR CHIEF’S CONCLAVE

Whether through international groupings, or through an Air Diplomacy Dialogue, a primary step in promoting cooperation in the sphere of Air Diplomacy is the hosting of an Air Force Chief’s Conference. Given the pivotal role of Air Chiefs, and their role in formulating and implementing an Air Diplomacy policy, a conclave through which they would meet annually is paramount to set direction and ensure results.

Whether in the Americas, Africa or South East Asia, the apparatus in operation is one which identifies the overwhelming importance of guaranteeing and strengthening Air Power and adopting sound Air Diplomacy polices which augment other Foreign policy tools in boosting cooperation, providing security and developing a fresh platform for cooperation. Three case studies identified, from the Americas, Africa and South East Asia indicate commonalities which enable clear study of their modus operandi. The potential in bridging gaps in regional security, establishing policy to combat threats and improving preparedness displays their success, and highlights the importance of the platforms they have created.

The System of Cooperation among the American Air Forces (SICOFAA) was established to consolidate cooperation among the Air Forces of the American continent and for joint action if the need arises. SICOFAA focuses on simulated air operations, human resource enhancement, provision of education, training, scientific research, conducting search and rescue missions, preparing for disaster relief operations and weather related exercises, improving telecommunication and generating awareness on aerospace medicine. Air Chiefs of the 21 members meet annually at the Conference of the American Air Chiefs (CONJEFAMER).

The Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) established an ASEAN Air Chiefs Conference (AACC) in 2004. It functions as the key platform for their Air Forces to foster closer ties and increase cooperation in military aviation and multilateral air force collaboration to respond to issues concerning counterterrorism, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief. In 2018, the AACC strengthened the standard operating procedures for ASEAN Air Forces to respond faster to humanitarian assistance and disaster relief operations (HADR). These measures included a uniformed prefix in aircraft call signs for regional HADR operations, to ensure faster diplomatic clearance processes. They created the ASEAN Air Force Centre Counter-Terrorism Hotline to share information about suspicious air activities and terrorist threats, and supported the Guidelines for Air Encounters between Military Aircraft framework as a confidence building measure to increase aviation security.

The African Air Chiefs Symposium (AACS) comprise Chiefs from across the African continent meeting with their American counterparts to discuss continental defence issues. They identify their national capabilities and challenges and look for ways to resolve common issues, while guaranteeing training and force development. The AACS has evolved a Charter which outlines the fundamental areas to be air operations in relation to mobility; intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR); close air attack, provision of humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, responding to transnational threats, improving human resources, education and training, guaranteeing supply, logistics and rapid response as well as prevention of air accidents and ensuring air domain safety. 

CONCLUSION

Formulating a two - tier strategy would result in the consolidation of a network of strategic partners. Bilaterally the scope of engagement is vast given the potential of collective action to boost the aviation sector and earn the dividends of synergizing. From joint sessions at the highest and technical levels, improved research and sharing of technology, to international exposure through increased overseas training opportunities and increased domestic training courses for foreign officers, as well as bilateral air drills and friendly aircraft visits, all of which would consolidate the strategic partnership that Sri Lanka would enjoy with key partners in the international community.

At the multilateral level, the opportunities being harnessed bear testimony to the potential of joint efforts in maintaining peace and stability within, increasing regional security against outside threats, raising standards across the board and equally importantly fortifying Foreign policy. An Air Chiefs Conclave would see Sri Lanka being identified as a country with genuine interest in Air Diplomacy and create a new niche on the world’s stage, ensuring that image is built, and trust and confidence is boosted.

The adoption of the two – tier strategy would enhance connectivity and defence which are the basic tenants upon which states have survived for millennia. The rationale for Air Diplomacy remains paramount as the implementation of an Air Diplomacy Policy would generate new opportunities for Sri Lanka in general, while increasing the potential of the Sri Lanka Air Force which has made a decisive and overarching contribution to the preservation of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the island nation, and is today at its 70^th anniversary.

120 years after the Wright Brothers revolutionized travel, humanity stands on the threshold of harnessing the vast strides made in the field of aviation. Whilst developed countries sprint into the future with the adoption of the latest technology and mutually beneficial collaboration, it is time that developing countries in general and Sri Lanka in particular, broadened the scope of diplomatic engagement, enhanced capacity to reach beyond the accepted, built strong and long lasting partnerships, while further strengthening ones that exist, and look to the future to rebrand, revitalize and revolutionize diplomacy.

An Air Diplomacy policy promises to lay the foundation for such an endeavour and needs to be pursued with vigour if Sri Lanka is to take her place amongst her contemporaries in the current age.

 

MULTIPLYING MULTILATERALISM - Strengthening Multilateral Diplomacy for strategic synergy

by George I. H. Cooke

In commemoration of the 65th anniversary of Sri Lanka’s membership in the largest multilateral forum, the United Nations, which is on 14th December 2020

Multilateralism is at the core of global governance. It has been in and through the League of Nations and its successor, the United Nations that the core of multilateralism has been reposited. The UN marks its 75^th anniversary and over the last seven and half decades, the many agencies and organisation within its system have grown, and contributed immensely to the furtherance of global goals. Yet in the century ahead, the growth and integral value of the UN is being augmented by the presence and active participation of a plethora of groupings. These are not in competition with the UN, but instead complement cooperation, which is highly favourable for countries and their peoples. Having emerged in the second half of the last century, these entities are based on geography, politics, economics, finance and other factors of connectivity, and today embody the future of diplomacy.

The formalization of multilateralism a hundred years ago yielded overwhelming results. At the completion of a milestone and commencement of another century it is opportune to widen its understanding by strategizing diplomacy and deepening the synergy of its use. The inclusion of such measures in foreign policy provides innovative avenues for nation states, ensures strength for regional groupings and guarantees an enhancement of the world of diplomacy.

The placement of emphasis on multilateralism has been realized throughout the passage of time, as a means to garner greater support, build deeper awareness and promote harmonious engagement and existence. The multitude of groupings have contributed towards the realization of a semblance of co-existence and hence the ability to avoid the outbreak of a third world war or anything even close to it. Despite such efforts and the ability to stave off the challenges, they continue to abound. From nationalism and prolific movements, to global crises and pandemics, the doubt mounts, yet opportunity is even found in such situations.

The rise of nationalism in many parts of the world calls into question the potential of multilateral engagement and the prospects for countries to collaborate and compromise. The emergence of the far right in the legislative and executive arms of states appears to threaten the process of deepening and widening multilateralism as evidenced in numerous regions. The impact of multilateralism has however been ingrained in the fabric of the state. From preferential trading agreements to beneficial investment plans, and cooperative security measures to guaranteed support in times of difficulty, neighbours are realizing the need to rely on each other. This extends to those without common borders but instead share common interests, and who explore common solutions for common problems.

The era in which countries attempted to or indeed managed their affairs alone, if ever it existed, is certainly over. It ended a long time ago. Whilst the political rhetoric may attempt to persuade the populace to embrace nationalist stances, the practical aspect of governance proves the antithesis. Nationalism has risen, it has done so in the past too, but multilateralism hasn’t declined. Its superseding nature, advantageous positioning and promising returns have collectively made multilateralism indispensable on the planet.

When confronting global crises and pandemics, as 2020 revealed, countries have had to adapt to the new norm wherein their own safety may remain within their remit of control, but the onslaught of catastrophes is well beyond their capability to control. Therein assistance received and examples utilised often originate elsewhere. It is through the assistance received, be it material or technical, that the degree and depth of changes to dynamics occur at the national level. This is applicable largely to developing countries which have relied on international assistance in coping with the pandemic but also refers to situations in which developed countries have sourced medicine, equipment, and personnel from elsewhere to mitigate the impact of the pandemic. The examples derived from similar scenarios in other countries, either in learning from measures taken or not, have served all countries as they understand the ramifications of actions or the absence of such actions, through example.

Multilateralism has made the world more aware of the need to share. By sharing countries have been able to enhance their status, and improve their well-being. Whilst those possessing the wherewithal to share gain crucial positioning on the world stage, others are beneficiaries and have their well-being improved. Yet it is not limited to this equation alone. Situations abound where countries classified to be industrially poor yet resource rich, and those perceived to be financial giants but power in terms of resources, rely on each other. This dichotomy has thus spawned a deeper sense of cooperation.

The concept of one planet and one world is reiterated through every multilateral organisation. Their membership joins with the intention of contributing and receiving. Thus the building of consensus by means of giving and receiving make countries rely on each other. Though the degree of reliance maybe contested, it is still a relationship that is constructed and expanded. Given the synergy accrued from such relationships, it is possible to further grow such bonds ensuring positive returns.

The opportunities to be derived from those relationships are determined by each country and their representatives in policy formulation and implementation. Each country while possessing inherent strengths is responsible for ensuring the best returns for their respective country. It is here that strategizing becomes critical, and negotiation becomes the conduit through which strategized diplomacy is achieved.

Strategizing Diplomacy

In the decades ahead the demands of the planet will continue to increase with growing populations. The increasing presence on the globe will not be supplemented with increasing space for existence. Contending with the existing landscape would lead to aggravated conflict over a multiplicity of wants from food and water at the individual level, transcending onto the national, and thereafter causing constant consternation at the regional and global levels. Numerous other battles have the potential to arise and their effects would severely impact the progress of states, having a direct bearing on people once more.

How concerned are individuals of such eventualities? How prepared are governments for such developments? And how equipped is the world to face and overcome such challenges? Covid-19 generated much needed dialogue on the ability of countries to face such issues. It went beyond dialogue to ensuring that countries did cope, to the best of their abilities, with the unfolding effects. Yet questions exist from Andhra Pradesh to Ankara, and Wuhan to Washington on whether adequate, timely measures were taken, and are being taken, as the pandemic is far from over. Such discourse will continue well past the pandemic as the economic effects of it are gushing through societies around the world. The lesson to be derived is that no country, state or peoples can hope to remain immune or isolated when a crisis of this magnitude strikes the planet. Neither can a country battle the effects on its own.

The most strategic of tools in the armoury of a state, to assist its peoples and engage internationally, is its diplomacy and diplomatic machinery. Whilst arms and ammunition remain relevant to an extent, and finances and economic prowess stand them in good stead often, it is only through the skillful use of diplomacy that states are able to avert further contribution to impending disasters, avoid the devastating repercussions and evade human-constructed debacles or natural ones.

Of all aspects of policy formulation within a state, foreign policy needs to be included at the very core of decision-making given its pivotal nature. As an extension of domestic policy, it is foreign policy that enables a government to reach out, engage, consolidate and strengthen the goodwill a country enjoys on the world stage. Such goodwill is mandatory for co-existence as countries, though sovereign entities operate in collaboration with others and not in a vacuum. The promotion of this goodwill postulates well, especially at times of crisis and certainly in the growth of a country.

The conduit for garnering this goodwill is diplomacy, and more assuredly strategized diplomacy.  From the most powerful of states to tiny islands, or landlocked countries to economic powerhouses, the common denominator remains diplomacy. Whilst size and power matter to an extent, it is instead the quality of diplomacy, tenacity of diplomats and direction of policy that results in countries playing significant roles on the world stage. The resources at their disposal would understandably have an impact on their role but individuals with potential make the true difference.

St Lucia, an island in the Caribbean with a population of less than 200, 000 recruited Vera El Khoury Lacoeuilhe in 2001 to serve as deputy permanent delegate to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). Possessing acumen and expertise she was instrumental in making Saint Lucia a country of great significance at this UN agency headquartered in Paris. From chairing several inter-governmental committees including the World Heritage Committee and the Independent External Evaluation Ad Hoc Working group, to heading the drafting group of the International Convention against Doping in Sport, the representative of Saint Lucia gave that country a place at the table. Serving in that position till 2016, the institutional memory and experience she gained, made her a pillar of the organisation and one to whom many other diplomats would turn to for advice and guidance. This accrued goodwill for the country she represented.

Saint Lucia’s choice of an individual resulted in the country gaining immense goodwill and the positioning of the country in a crucial arm of the UN system. Irrespective of the prospects of that country or its position on the global power ladder, Saint Lucia wasn’t subsumed within the greater machinations of a large organisation like UNESCO. Instead the choice of an individual to lead its cause made the difference and ensured effective engagement and the building of a positive image.

Positive Image

Countries are concerned about image. The desire to project a positive image is at the heart of diplomacy. Strategizing diplomacy to project that positive image becomes its very raison d'être. It is only through concerted diplomatic action and engagement that projections, alteration of perceptions, or even interaction can hope to be established. Diplomacy rests at the very heart of international relations. Possessing a systemic approach through the institutionalization of the field for centuries, diplomacy is at the vanguard of international issues. Being the peaceful and preferred option, its multifaceted construct, makes diplomacy in all its forms and manifestations the pivot of progress in the world.

Often countries struggle with three main causes for concern - reality, perceptions and resources. In conducting diplomacy, countries have to be mindful of understanding the reality themselves.  It is only when one comprehends the ground reality and is able to communicate its circumstances effectively is the challenge overcome. Similarly with perceptions, attempting to change them instantly is redundant given that perceptions are built up over a concerted period of time and will only be demolished over a similar period.

It is however mandatory that steps are taken through the diplomatic apparatus to deconstruct such perceptions, irrespective of the time involved, through repeated clarifications. Going further countries are called upon to be proactive rather than predominantly reactive. Waiting to respond to others narratives complicates messages and it is always better to commence the process rather than merely contribute to it.

In terms of resources a continuous increase and improvement of resources is essential for a comprehensive undertaking in diplomacy. Countries need to ensure that resources, in whatever form from individuals, infrastructure, and infusions of finance are devoted to the foreign policy sector. Budgets have to prioritize this sector as it is the most crucial in international engagement and will determine the success of numerous other sectors within the country, which rely on the outside world.

Irrespective of whether it is in understanding reality, clarifying perceptions or devoting more resources, it is the usage of personality that matters to the greatest degree. As evidenced with Saint Lucia, the choice of individuals ensures the success of strategized diplomacy or its dismal failure. While that which is formulated might be the most suitable, and timely action plans could be drawn up in strategizing diplomacy of a given country, it is the human resources involved in implementing it that play a most crucial role and cannot be compromised at any cost.

Generating growth

Through multilateral fora states are afforded the unique platform of being able to reach out to a diversity of countries, with which bilateral connectivity may not be strong. This arena gives policy formulators the ability to strategize in a manner which would accrue greater dividends and provide better visibility in their interactions.

The appointment of ambassadors singularly to regional headquarters that are located in many capitals increases momentum of interaction, helps a country realize its potential and more importantly guarantees visibility in that grouping. This visibility can transcend into tangible returns as the presence of an envoy on the ground has been proven to be far more valuable owing to the ability to network, rather than to have distant contact with a grouping.

Of those organisations in which states are categorized as Dialogue Partners or Observers it is essential that special attention is devoted if that state intends increasing its involvement and/or membership in the long term. Irrespective of the status of membership in such multilateral fora of significance is the seat at the table, and inclusion in the dialogue.

Countries that didn’t have direct connection with the British Empire, nor were colonized by Britain have gained membership in the Commonwealth. The rational is the ability to gain that much more by being a part of it, than being apart from it. Rwanda is one such country and will be hosting the next Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) once the pandemic recedes. The country is keen to be endorsed as an international conference destination and to change the perception that existed owing to its troublesome past. The opportunity to serve as the next Chair-in-Office will give Rwanda recognition within the Commonwealth and thereby attract tangible benefits, especially through the Commonwealth Business Forum which is set to take place on the sidelines of the summit.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) has six Dialogue Partners of which Turkey drives the energy discourse within the grouping. Turkey is not a full member but has been instrumental in this sector since 2017 and has the opportunity of increasing momentum towards full membership. The contribution is being viewed in positive light from a political perspective, is bolstering energy cooperation and is aiding the country in its efforts to become an energy hub.     

The African Union (AU) in partnering with the United Nations through the Joint Task on Peace and Security has become the key to the success of peacekeeping operations. From the Central African Republic, to the Democratic Republic of Congo, Guinea-Bissau, South Sudan and the Horn of Africa, contention remains a critical factor yet the collaborative nature of work has seen a decrease in tension. Ethiopia has faced internal political issues but as host of the AU, member states have rallied around the country. From an Ethiopian perspective the steps taken by Haile Selassie in forming the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 1963 is seeing affirmative action today.

The Association for South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) at its inception in 1967 was deemed a grouping that would fail given the internal issues that the five founding members were facing as well as the animosity amongst these countries. Yet collective action facilitated change. The change has resulted in ASEAN being regarded today as one of the most progressive regional groupings and its members have gained immensely from the stability it brought to the sub-region, and from the peace that followed. Identified as the ‘Balkans of the East’ owing to the diversity and friction, the member states were able to alter such differences to their advantage through cogent policy formulation individually and collectively, and generate growth.  

Diversifying approaches

Through multilateral fora, states are at liberty to evolve innovative means of engaging in the world of diplomacy, though particular parameters do exist, to enable the sphere to be globally accepted. The freedom afforded countries makes it possible for them to adopt unique approaches. The diversification of the field and inclusion of new actors makes it more competitive and deserves attention in its totality if countries are going to remain relevant on the global stage.

Whilst culinary diplomacy is relatively new as a concept the deed has existed for a considerable period of time. The showcasing of gastronomic delights, through food exhibitions, not only introduces nationals of other countries to one’s own cuisine but more importantly generates a platform to present culture. Cultural exchanges or cultural diplomacy augments mainstream diplomacy as a soft power tool. Ranging from movies to music, and dance to drama, that which can be highlighted through cultural diplomacy remains limitless. Such forms extend to Public Diplomacy to reach people, and to further areas such as Military Diplomacy, and its varied off shoots, including Gunboat Diplomacy, Air Diplomacy, Maritime Diplomacy, as well as Religious Diplomacy, and its variant forms of usage notably Buddhist Diplomacy and Islamic Diplomacy in particular.

Similarly with more political forms of diplomatic engagement such as Shuttle Diplomacy complimenting the main diplomatic channels, branches dealing with science, sports, energy and economics all form deeply ingrained areas of diplomatic connectivity. Using these models in multilateral fora or basing multilateralism on such formats enables member states to explore hitherto tapped spheres and diversify their approach to diplomacy.

The characterization of diplomacy, with pioneering and widening scope of each and every sub-sect that exist to-date has given diplomacy opportunity as never experienced before. Through multilateral bodies states have the ability to promote themselves, support regional groupings they belong to, engage as widely as they wish by sharing best practices, undertake mutually beneficial arrangements, bolster existing cooperative mechanisms and establish new ones.

Multiplying multilateralism through strategized diplomacy ensures a synergic effect that will guarantee rich dividends for groupings and states alike, and most importantly ensure the prevalence of stability. States and their leaders have the option of either remaining static and volatile or synergized and stable. Though the effect of synergy remains elusive, at least from an International Relations perspective its effect when applied through multilateralism becomes more apparent and weighs heavily towards the effectiveness of the sphere.

In 2020, we mark the centenary of multilateralism. Stakeholders owe it to the founders of multilateralism to strengthen, strategize and synergize the scope of the field. With deeper engagement and wider collaboration, states will be able to reap a bountiful harvest, which would stand them in good stead in the years and decades ahead.

The time for action is here and now.