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Showing posts with label Indian Ocean Region. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Indian Ocean Region. Show all posts

Tuesday, March 2, 2021

AN AIR DIPLOMACY POLICY FOR SRI LANKA: Sri Lanka Air Force reaches its 70th anniversary

By George I. H. Cooke


On the eve of the 20th century the Wright Brothers tested their wing-warping control concept of a flying device which revolutionized travel. Their invention in July 1899 set the pace for advancements in aviation that saw humans not only flying around the world but venturing further, into outer space and even landing on the moon 70 years later in 1969. To date, many other aspects of air travel have intensified with the space race playing a key role. 

The intrinsic patterns of history which resulted in the rise and fall of states have seen a significant development throughout the twentieth century as air travel intensified to its current level of operation. The ability to cross regions and continents in shorter periods of time altered the practice of diplomacy itself. Whilst diplomats played a critical role for centuries as the emissaries of leaders, who rarely or never met, increased air travel has enabled connectivity at the highest level, resulting in the diplomat needing to evolve and for the practice of diplomacy to become more indepth and specialized.

Amidst these vast strides in diplomacy and transportation, the Air Power of states has grown significantly allowing for its use in times of emergency and need, as well as during conflict. Air Diplomacy and its usage, is of paramount relevance for an island nation, such as Sri Lanka. Given that connectivity and defence are the basic tenants upon which states like Sri Lanka have survived for millennia, the rationale for Air Diplomacy is imperative. An Air Diplomacy policy would generate new opportunities for Sri Lanka and Foreign policy, while increasing the potential of the Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF).

An innovative Air Diplomacy policy needs to be rationalized on two levels, bilateral and multilateral. Identifying critical areas of governance and incorporation of strategy to achieve overarching objectives ensures the creation of a state which can harness opportunities, develop industry, prosper people and equally importantly, increase its presence and influence on the world stage. All nation states, irrespective of their size, location or resources, look to enhance their potential and power. A comprehensive Air Diplomacy Policy augurs well for defence, strengthens foreign policy, boosts diplomacy and increases connectivity.

Developed countries race into the future with the latest innovations and modern technology, with immense power and intense influence. The advancements are spread across private and public sectors, with states improving infrastructure, enhancing air capabilities and incorporating this dimension into diplomacy to increase connectivity. Developing countries heavy reliance on diplomatic engagement to remain formidable players on the world’s stage often lack sufficient infrastructure and budgetary constraints.

It is thus necessary for such countries, including Sri Lanka to explore areas of cooperation through which the synergy of joint collaboration would yield positive results. A concerted policy of Air Diplomacy would result in a plethora of opportunities which portend well for the betterment of the SLAF as one of the key implementing agencies. It would be a venture into a hitherto untapped area of expertise that would advance diplomatic engagement and strengthen foreign policy tools at the disposal of the state.

BILATERAL ENGAGEMENT    

Sri Lanka has numerous missions which are accredited to more countries. Continuous interactions with these countries form the first tier from which an Air Diplomacy policy could be activated. This could be established by the SLAF, through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Sri Lanka Missions as well as resident missions in Sri Lanka and Honorary Consuls. Reaching out to as many countries as possible conveys a strong message of interest and seriousness while raising awareness towards the national initiative. 

Of the countries with which Sri Lanka engages, many are those from which purchases of ammunition, equipment, aircraft, vessels have been made. Given their importance and the rationale for closer relations, it would be prudent to propose solid cooperation such as structured joint sessions between the militaries, and joint drills, with foreign Air Forces. This interface would lead to deeper understanding, better cooperation and stronger connectivity, especially at times of need. As leaders in the aviation sector, these countries have the capacity and capability to extend cooperation in the technology sharing sphere.

RESEARCH AND TRAINING

Research remains a crucial factor for policy formulation. Efforts have to be made to understand the nature and potential of Air Diplomacy, through collaboration among academia, the SLAF and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs if the endeavour is to succeed. A thorough study would reveal areas in which strengths exist, weaknesses persist, opportunities abound and threats maybe perceived. Equally important are case studies of other countries, their Air Forces, the nature of collaboration therein and the means through which such policies have been formulated and implemented. Countries look to increase Air Power and what appears as sole Air Power strategies would possess critical processes in which Air Diplomacy has been incorporated.

In June 2019, the integral air partnership between France and Singapore came in for praise. Singapore’s Senior Minister of State for Defence Heng Chee How speaking at the Cazauz Air Base in France noted that the opportunity to train alongside a very professional Air Force, such as the French Air Force spoke volumes of the practical value of the bilateral collaboration. He observed that a strong and capable defence must include a strong Air Force, which has the ability to train its pilots well. The collaboration was good for both countries as Singapore gained the latest technique and precision, while France deepened ties with an Asian ally.

In July 2019 military cooperation was enhanced through joint air patrols as Russia and China negotiated an agreement for deeper cooperation and conducted their first joint patrol mission over the Sea of Japan. The agreement was an extension of one that was agreed in 1993 which focused on conditions for cooperation in military technology. It also detailed training, learning and information exchanges, mutual assistance in servicing weapons and military equipment and conducting joint research and commemorative military events.

These are unique platform for countries to consolidate their relations and strategize collectively. The depth of the partnerships would be felt in situations of tension as these strategic partners bolster each other. Sri Lanka would do well to attempt deepening such partnerships for research and training thereby widening existing opportunities afforded from foreign Air Forces. The exposure that SLAF officers would receive would enable them to gain knowledge and insight into the latest innovations and technology whilst also equipping them with deeper understanding of countries and their policies.

Programmes at the Junior Command and Staff Course could see more foreign participants, who would understand Sri Lanka better, and comprehend the trajectory of the country. Their presence in increased numbers would in turn allow Sri Lankan officers to grasp subtleties of foreign forces through interactions and this would yield vital results in the long term as these officers progress in seniority in their respective forces and retain a unique connection to Sri Lanka. A senior level programme would also be beneficial in yielding such results and be a supplementary platform for interaction. Similarly a concerted effort is required to obtain reciprocal placements in foreign Air Force Academies. From the sporting arena, through friendly aircraft visits, bilateral drills and air shows at periodic stages through which an interest is generated among the general public connectivity would be deepened between the two Forces and countries. Avenues for engagement remain limitless. An Air Diplomacy policy would contribute towards Sri Lanka’s overall bilateral engagement.

MULTILATERAL ENGAGEMENT

The second tier of multilateral engagement could see regional conclaves through existing regional mechanisms or through new structures. While South Asian cooperation seems too early, Sri Lanka could play a catalytic role of bringing Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) countries together to implement a policy of Air Diplomacy and enhance security cooperation.

Sri Lanka currently chairs the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) with leadership delegated in the area of technology. BIMSTEC is an ideal platform from which military cooperation can be promoted with an Air Diplomacy Policy. This position of leadership gives Sri Lanka the possibility of reaching out to other member states and embarking on a new initiative. Air connectivity remains pivotal for states and the incorporation of such a policy would bode well to strengthen regional ties, and serve as a platform for increased development of the Air Forces of each member state.

Furthermore, within the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), wherein Sri Lanka is a dialogue partner, the country could seek deeper engagement, even actively campaigning for full membership, while articulating the contribution, especially in the area of counter terrorism that the country would be able to make, and gain through collaboration with other member states, observers and dialogue partners. Having identified the three evils of separatism, terrorism and extremism, the SCO undertakes numerous initiatives which include military drills at the All-SCO level. Awareness of the impact of such exercises is not widely discussed but the presence of the political leadership at the drills denotes the growing significance of the organisation. Inclusion of India and Pakistan in 2017 increased the importance of the grouping as its area of coverage reaches across South Asia. 2021 marks two decades of the SCO and it would be prudent for Sri Lanka to increase its membership even at this stage.

Of the member states, China has constructed and utilizes special warehouses and other infrastructure to carry out simulations for military exercises as part of training. This is done to recreate the environment and provide for varied terrain which is required for complete training purposes. Sri Lanka, possessing different forms of natural terrain within the country, as well as the vast territory, in which the conflict was waged, and the ideal temperature and topography to simulate tropical environments, would be able to offer a complete option to China and SCO. These conditions are not curtailed to the land and extend further throughout the diversity found with regard to the sea and especially in relation to the air space over varied forms of land, and the sea.

Sri Lanka and Russia have enjoyed close diplomatic relations since 1957. In contemporary times, Sri Lanka has experienced the wholehearted support of Russia, especially in international fora. Sri Lanka needs to reach out to Russia and seek support in expanding its membership in SCO. Sri Lanka should not merely seek membership to add yet another international grouping to its list of multilateral engagement bodies. Sri Lanka is more than a decade after ending a violent terrorist conflict on its soil and is in a position to share its experiences with the world. It is this experience that Sri Lanka needs to take to the SCO table, and for which Russia and other countries in the grouping would find the provision of full membership noteworthy. The platform exists, and it is up to Sri Lanka to make the initiative of interacting that much more.

While the aspect of terrain would augur well for overall military cooperation, a proposal based on Air Diplomacy creates a new platform for collaboration. Whilst the joint military drills are carried out in member states, the floating of a new initiative of this nature would give dialogue partners the opportunity of being included in such exercises.

Smaller countries stand to gain much from such groupings and questions are raised over their contribution in return. It is imperative that countries like Sri Lanka ‘bring to the table’ the decades of experience, especially in the fields of counter terrorism, and are identified as countries that have acted with determination and deserve due recognition for the contribution made in thwarting terror on its soil. The offer of fresh initiatives, expertise and territory – land, sea and air - translate into tangible aspects of cooperation which would be welcomed by the SCO and would bode well for Sri Lanka, if and when the country decides to seek full membership in the grouping.

AIR DIPLOMACY DIALOGUE

Exploring new areas of air connectivity through the creation of a ‘Shangri la Dialogue’ model could be implemented for purposes of Air Diplomacy. This platform would generate immense opportunities for Air Chiefs, multiple stakeholders from the field and technical experts to converge each year in a bid to discuss military aviation issues, multilateral cooperation, enhance regional security as well as improve humanitarian assistance and relief efforts. The conference would also serve as a hub for the sharing of information on suspicious air activity, response to terror threats, and measures that could be adopted to thwart such activity and threats.

This ‘Air Diplomacy Dialogue’ structured to bring together the government, military and academia would converge vital sectors in securing the best possible opportunities for the countries concerned. With representation from the government hierarchy, military command and academicians, consensus could be sought and reached on regional and international issues in the field of air power. Sri Lanka’s hosting of such a venture, although financially intense would give the island an unparalleled niche in this sphere. This initiative would require a solid entrenchment in the sector first and it would be prudent to realize such a Dialogue in the long term. Realizing this initiative would make the island the centre of Air Diplomacy and the key node in the dialogue on Air Power in South Asia.

AIR CHIEF’S CONCLAVE

Whether through international groupings, or through an Air Diplomacy Dialogue, a primary step in promoting cooperation in the sphere of Air Diplomacy is the hosting of an Air Force Chief’s Conference. Given the pivotal role of Air Chiefs, and their role in formulating and implementing an Air Diplomacy policy, a conclave through which they would meet annually is paramount to set direction and ensure results.

Whether in the Americas, Africa or South East Asia, the apparatus in operation is one which identifies the overwhelming importance of guaranteeing and strengthening Air Power and adopting sound Air Diplomacy polices which augment other Foreign policy tools in boosting cooperation, providing security and developing a fresh platform for cooperation. Three case studies identified, from the Americas, Africa and South East Asia indicate commonalities which enable clear study of their modus operandi. The potential in bridging gaps in regional security, establishing policy to combat threats and improving preparedness displays their success, and highlights the importance of the platforms they have created.

The System of Cooperation among the American Air Forces (SICOFAA) was established to consolidate cooperation among the Air Forces of the American continent and for joint action if the need arises. SICOFAA focuses on simulated air operations, human resource enhancement, provision of education, training, scientific research, conducting search and rescue missions, preparing for disaster relief operations and weather related exercises, improving telecommunication and generating awareness on aerospace medicine. Air Chiefs of the 21 members meet annually at the Conference of the American Air Chiefs (CONJEFAMER).

The Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) established an ASEAN Air Chiefs Conference (AACC) in 2004. It functions as the key platform for their Air Forces to foster closer ties and increase cooperation in military aviation and multilateral air force collaboration to respond to issues concerning counterterrorism, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief. In 2018, the AACC strengthened the standard operating procedures for ASEAN Air Forces to respond faster to humanitarian assistance and disaster relief operations (HADR). These measures included a uniformed prefix in aircraft call signs for regional HADR operations, to ensure faster diplomatic clearance processes. They created the ASEAN Air Force Centre Counter-Terrorism Hotline to share information about suspicious air activities and terrorist threats, and supported the Guidelines for Air Encounters between Military Aircraft framework as a confidence building measure to increase aviation security.

The African Air Chiefs Symposium (AACS) comprise Chiefs from across the African continent meeting with their American counterparts to discuss continental defence issues. They identify their national capabilities and challenges and look for ways to resolve common issues, while guaranteeing training and force development. The AACS has evolved a Charter which outlines the fundamental areas to be air operations in relation to mobility; intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR); close air attack, provision of humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, responding to transnational threats, improving human resources, education and training, guaranteeing supply, logistics and rapid response as well as prevention of air accidents and ensuring air domain safety. 

CONCLUSION

Formulating a two - tier strategy would result in the consolidation of a network of strategic partners. Bilaterally the scope of engagement is vast given the potential of collective action to boost the aviation sector and earn the dividends of synergizing. From joint sessions at the highest and technical levels, improved research and sharing of technology, to international exposure through increased overseas training opportunities and increased domestic training courses for foreign officers, as well as bilateral air drills and friendly aircraft visits, all of which would consolidate the strategic partnership that Sri Lanka would enjoy with key partners in the international community.

At the multilateral level, the opportunities being harnessed bear testimony to the potential of joint efforts in maintaining peace and stability within, increasing regional security against outside threats, raising standards across the board and equally importantly fortifying Foreign policy. An Air Chiefs Conclave would see Sri Lanka being identified as a country with genuine interest in Air Diplomacy and create a new niche on the world’s stage, ensuring that image is built, and trust and confidence is boosted.

The adoption of the two – tier strategy would enhance connectivity and defence which are the basic tenants upon which states have survived for millennia. The rationale for Air Diplomacy remains paramount as the implementation of an Air Diplomacy Policy would generate new opportunities for Sri Lanka in general, while increasing the potential of the Sri Lanka Air Force which has made a decisive and overarching contribution to the preservation of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the island nation, and is today at its 70th anniversary.

120 years after the Wright Brothers revolutionized travel, humanity stands on the threshold of harnessing the vast strides made in the field of aviation. Whilst developed countries sprint into the future with the adoption of the latest technology and mutually beneficial collaboration, it is time that developing countries in general and Sri Lanka in particular, broadened the scope of diplomatic engagement, enhanced capacity to reach beyond the accepted, built strong and long lasting partnerships, while further strengthening ones that exist, and look to the future to rebrand, revitalize and revolutionize diplomacy.

An Air Diplomacy policy promises to lay the foundation for such an endeavour and needs to be pursued with vigour if Sri Lanka is to take her place amongst her contemporaries in the current age.

 

Monday, December 28, 2020

FRANCE: A force to be reckoned with in the Indian Ocean


GUEST COMMENTARY 

by Sisaru Chithrasiri

With the rise of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), much of the west has struggled to stay relevant in the Indian Ocean region in the recent past. This is, for the most part, driven by the PRC’s Belt and Road Initiative; a grand Marshall Plan-like program for the 21st century. 

While the United States of America has historically found this region relatively difficult to influence, the United Kingdom and France has had some luck in the region, mainly due to their colonial past. However, Britain’s influence did not stand the test of times in her former colonies. Out of the main colonial powers, France remains dominant in the region; culturally and politically with French overseas territories (La France d’outre-mer) – La Réunion and Mayotte whilst Madagascar and the Seychelles being former French colonies. This article will examine how France is working to exert its influence in the region and how it’s allies in the west may use it to deter China’s rise.

As of lately, France’s concerns in the region have been defense focused as evidenced by the presence of several military bases in La Réunion and a 270 strong legion detachment in Mayotte. The French have also committed to opening a military base in the United Arab Emirates – Camp de la Paix as well as another in Djibouti: a former French colony in the horn of Africa (Bouchard & Crumplin 2011). Since the beginning of this century, France and India enjoy warm bilateral relations.  As stated by Saint-Mézard (2015), France’s military exercises with India began in 2001 in the areas of, civilian nuclear technology, space programs and counterterrorism initiatives. Thus, one can assume that the relationship between India and France is strategic, particularly when it comes to deterring China’s influence in the region. In fact, one may even conclude that India is desperate for closer ties with the EU and its powerful member states. France, in this regard, understands that it is crucial to have important strategic allies and partners in the Indian Ocean.

In comes Australia – a country that has enjoyed a significant trade relationship with China and a western democracy in the Asian region, bordering the Indian Ocean to its west and the Pacific Ocean to its east. Australia’s relationship with China has turned relatively sour with its Prime Minister Scott Morrison calling for an independent investigation into the origins of the COVID-19 pandemic (Karp 2020). France, like its allies, sees Australia as a key strategic partner in the region. To reiterate, France sees Australia as a like-minded country and one of the very few regional states capable of contributing substantively to regional stability. The Royal Australian Navy joined the United States, India and Japan for military exercises in the Indian Ocean between October and November 2020 in what is known as the “quad” (Greene, Dziedzic & Oaten 2020) – a hostile, yet subtle message to China; all of whom are allies and partners of France. In such a case scenario, France with its territories and defense forces scattered across the Indian Ocean might provide vital logistical and technical support.

France’s cultural ties and military capabilities may further influence the rhetoric in countries such as India, Sri Lanka, Madagascar and other Indian Ocean region countries to France’s benefit. Given the increasing involvement of China in the affairs of many countries in Asia, France may look to increase its own regional involvement as a way of staying relevant in the Indian Ocean region and its efforts may be backed up by traditional allies such as Australia and the United States. For France, forging much closer political, economic and security ties with these democracies should be an opening for the Europeans to establish a deterrent force against Chinese influence in the region. The D10 – a group of democracies that comprises Australia, Britain, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, South Korea, the U.S and the E.U provides a platform for like-minded countries to adjust the wind from tilting towards China in the region and will establish a solid stance for France to exercise their will in the region (The Economist 2018).

The possibility of the western powers making use of French influence and power in the region is becoming a reality in order to deter China’s ever-growing influence. Smaller states such as Sri Lanka, the Maldives and the Seychelles must be aware of this realistic possibility and chose to construct, if not mend their foreign policies to the more realistic possibilities that may send shockwaves in the near future or risk being another pawn in the great power rivalry.

References

Bouchard, C & Crumplin, W 2011, ‘Two faces of France: France of the Indian ocean / France in the Indian Ocean’, Journal of the Indian Ocean Region, vol.7, no.2, pp.161-182.

‘Fatwin V MAGA’ 2018, The Economist, vol.428, iss.9103, pp.51-52.

Greene, A , Dziedzic, S & Oaten, J 2020, Australia to rejoin quad naval exercises in move certain to infuriate Beijing, viewed 28 December 2020, https://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-10-20/australia-rejoins-naval-exercise-in-move-certain-to-anger-china/12784186

Karp, P 2020, China bristles at Australia’s call for investigation into coronavirus origin, viewed 28December 2020, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/apr/29/australia-defends-plan-to-investigate-china-over-covid-19-outbreak-as-row-deepens

Saint – Mézard, I 2015, ‘The French Strategy in the Indian Ocean and the Potential for Indo-French Cooperation’, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies. https://www.rsis.edu.sg/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/PR150312_French-Strategy.pdf

Tuesday, October 27, 2020

CHINA AND THE QUAD BOTH NEED SRI LANKA: An opportune moment

 by George I. H. Cooke


Renewed international interest in Sri Lanka in recent months has coincided with the consolidation of the Quad, which brings together Australia, India, Japan and the United States of America; and with the resumption of China’s rise after the impediment the country faced with the outbreak of the pandemic. The remaining months of 2020 and the next couple of years remain crucial from both vantage points, but it is of importance for Sri Lanka at this stage to strategize foreign policy, avoid getting drawn into a much bigger game on the world stage, and quite crucially ensure that the developments are in favour of the island.

The visit of the US Secretary of State, Michael R. Pompeo is a welcomed one. It comes weeks after the visit of the Chinese Foreign Minister, Yang Jiechi earlier in October 2020 The presence in Colombo of two of the leading diplomats of the world, speaks volumes for Sri Lanka and the realization of the growing importance of the country’s geographic positioning. It was the American naval strategist, Admiral Alfred Thayer Mahan who once stated that “Whoever attains maritime supremacy in the Indian Ocean would be a prominent player on the international scene. Whoever controls the Indian Ocean dominates Asia. This Ocean is the key to the seven seas in the 21st century, the destiny of the world will be decided in these waters”.

As we surge into this century, the admiral’s vision is coming to fruition, and Sri Lanka at the heart of the Indian Ocean, possesses immense potential, if only adequate strategizing is applied to secure and bring to fruition Mahan’s observation, in Sri Lanka’s favour. For too long, conquerors and capitals of foreign lands have realized the potential of the island, its resources and its waters. Yet domestic developments have mired the ability to comprehensively encapsulate everything that the country possesses and use it to the advantage of the island its people. Historic ties and the sound diplomacy have seen Sri Lanka making critical decisions in the realm of Foreign Policy that have often augured well.

In relation to China and the United States, Sri Lanka has maintained a diverse relationship. These are two countries at the forefront of leadership in the world in the 21st century, and two countries with which Sri Lanka has the possibility to interact constructively, if the correct policy formulation is adopted.    

From the recognition of China in 1950 and the signing of the Rubber – Rice Pact in 1952, to the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1957 and beyond, Sri Lanka has continued to enjoy a close and cooperative relationship with China throughout the ensuing seven decade period. In the last decade and a half Chinese infrastructure investment has augmented the development drive in Sri Lanka but it has come at a cost. Sri Lanka needed support and it was readily given. Faulting the giver, or encouraging those who do, is not the ideal. It is instead the responsibility of the receiver to ensure that that which was received was used in the most opportune manner, and not squandered away. While China, as a matter of policy, does not interfere in the internal affairs of Sri Lanka or any country it deals with, the continuous support Sri Lanka has received, especially in the United Nations, remains paramount in the bilateral relationship.

With the United States, seen today as the de-facto leader of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, the bilateral relationship with Sri Lanka has experienced moments in which the relationship has soared as during the visit of Vice President Nixon in 1953, the Jayewardene presidency, and the second Wickremesinghe premiership, and other times at which relations soured especially over pressure that was brought to bear on issues such as human rights. Yet despite the political variations, the economic and social engagement has remained a pillar of strength.

American missionaries were instrumental in establishing some of the leading schools in the country, American multinationals introduced prominent electronic brands into the country, and America has been at the forefront of trade ties with Sri Lanka. The annual report of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka for 2019 indicates that the United States remains the single largest buyer of Sri Lankan exports, which increased to 26.3% from 25.9% in 2018. The US also remained the single largest garment export destination for Sri Lanka accounting for 45% of total garment exports in 2019. It is this relationship, these statistics and these opportunities that need to be nurtured and grown, for the US-Sri Lanka relationship to intensify.

US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Thompson commenting, on the eve of the Secretary of State’s visit, that economic development options were being brought during the visit portends well for the bilateral relationship, and if delivered, would translate into positive news. Sri Lanka has been looking to engage across the board and America expressing an interest of this nature is welcome as it hasn't been forthcoming in the recent past. Whilst the relationship with India and Australia remains sound, and that with Japan needs a further degree of emphasis, consolidating this US connection is vital for Sri Lanka at this juncture.

Renewed American interest in the economic realm should ideally focus on investment and wider market access to generate tangible opportunities. This is exactly what Sri Lanka needs. A country that went through decades of conflict and experienced continuing international pressure has not been able to write its own narrative, but today the island is gradually inching towards that possibility. Sri Lanka needs concentrated interaction, well-nurtured ties and political will to realize the prospects of its geographic positioning.  

Sri Lanka needs to be mindful of diverse engagement, with the leadership and diplomatic machinery handling this delicate process of interaction in the most effective manner, but it can be done. With the correct guidance and commitment it is possible for the country to regain its image and position in the international community, which was largely damaged by the conflict. Sri Lanka needs opportunities. If key players in the world are willing to provide them, they need to be skillfully negotiated and swiftly acted upon.

Whilst agreements are being touted as potential pre-requisites for such economic cooperation, there needs to be more openness and understanding. If a new policy or agreement is to be introduced it needs to be explained as clearly as possible. Given that Sri Lanka is a democracy, and has remained so for decades now, there are varied voices and stances in society. It is this diversity, which is representative of any democracy that needs to be engaged with, and the United States understands this only too well. The need for such cross-sectional engagement is in itself a pre-requisite in any democratic environment, as is the need for transparency.

The last high level visit was in 2015 when Secretary John Kerry came months after the change of government in Sri Lanka that year, but it was a visit to express solidarity with the new administration and not precisely to provide any form of tangible support or enhance economic cooperation. At present, on the eve of a Presidential election in the United States, there is renewed American interest not only in Sri Lanka but in a greater part of South and East Asia.

In Sri Lanka's case, while the country is looking to gain investment and access to international markets, it is also hoped that enhanced economic ties would boost political relations. However the US is not only taking a keener interest in Sri Lanka, it is also looking at neighbours and hoping to increase the momentum of the US relationship with South Asia in general. This same narrative applies to China, which is looking to South Asia as an imperative aspect of its widening Belt and Road Initiative. This needs to remain a fundamental note from a Sri Lankan perspective.

Sri Lanka may sit in the middle of the Indian Ocean but is not the only country in this region, and the vigourous engagement of China and the United States with countries in South Asia remains a wakeup call for Sri Lankan Foreign Policy formulators to firstly act, secondly, act fast and importantly, act smart.

 

 

Tuesday, August 25, 2020

AUSTRALIA AND SRI LANKA: AIR CONNECTIVITY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN REGION

THE SUCCESS OF THE TWO COUNTRIES' NAVAL COOPERATION SHOWS THE POTENTIAL FOR EXPANDED PARTNERSHIP  

 

Published by THE INTERPRETER of the LOWY INSTITUTE

By George I. H. Cooke

Australia and Sri Lanka’s recent experience working together to prevent people smuggling from Sri Lanka has been one of the more significant, and largely unreported, wins in regional security cooperation. After almost a decade of close collaboration, largely focusing on naval operations, now is an opportune time to extend that cooperation into the realm of air power.

The two countries’ efforts addressed an important domestic issue for Australia, while enhancing bilateral relations. For its part, Sri Lanka received close and consistent support from Australia in safeguarding its territorial waters and in multilateral forums such as the Commonwealth. 

Realising the futility of trying alone to counter people smuggling and to stop boats entering its territorial waters, Australia undertook to address the problem at its root. Close cooperation with the Sri Lankan government under President Mahinda Rajapaksa helped Australia to halt the practice by encouraging those engaging in it to pursue legal methods of migration, while at the same time supporting the Sri Lanka Navy and Coast Guard to detect illegal vessels and better monitor the maritime

domain.

These cooperative arrangements, involving representatives from the police, immigration and military, helped both countries recognise each others' potential as partners in addressing a common threat. That success could now be expanded to other sectors.

Many of Sri Lanka’s threats emanate from the surrounding seas. In April 2020, following the closure of ports of entry due to Covid-19, the Sri Lanka Air Force deployed Y-12 aircraft and Bell 212 helicopters to detect illegal entrants. This is just one of the main transnational maritime security challenges the country faces. Others include illegal and unregulated fishing, drug trafficking, arms smuggling, data gathering by maritime expeditions and the threat of accidents in its territorial waters that cause environmental damage.

Cooperation between middle and small powers would convey a positive and powerful message to the Indian Ocean region and beyond.

Sri Lanka is becoming more strategically important. China and the United States are

increasingly interested in its geographical position, given the country’s proximity to international shipping lanes and to India. China is providing much needed development assistance, especially in the maritime sector, with projects implemented through the Belt and Road Initiative.

Australia identifies Sri Lanka, an Indian Ocean neighbour, as a key regional node in terms of maritime security. Its geographic position and good infrastructure make it an excellent hub for access to South Asia and much of the northern Indian Ocean. The growing relationship between Australia and India may be just the first step in an expanded South Asian engagement by Australia, resulting in greater presence and purpose in the Indian Ocean region through closer cooperation with Sri Lanka.

The geographic positions of Australia and Sri Lanka as entry points into their respective regions also provide opportunities for cooperation, including exploring the enhancement of air power by establishing key nodes of connectivity in neighbouring regions. Sri Lanka is already the most important shipping hub in the northern Indian Ocean, and by virtue of its geography could easily become a pivotal air hub.

As an initial step, a meeting by the two Air Force Commanders to identify objectives for joint action could lead to the establishment of a working group to determine activities for implementation. In the medium to long term, joint manoeuvres, training activities, increasing goodwill visits and exchange programs, and launching a biennial Air Force Commanders’ Dialogue, would lead to higher levels of cooperation.

Sri Lanka would gain expertise and seek much-needed high-altitude maritime surveillance of its extensive territorial waters. This could be coupled with Australian expertise in developing an advanced maritime domain awareness system. Such measures could help generate significant air power for Sri Lanka and contribute towards governance of its entire air space.  

For Australia, increased air connectivity would open another window into South Asia and the Indian Ocean, and diversify its strategic relationships in the region. Australia could establish a deeper defence cooperative mechanism and open the way for further collaboration. The potential is enormous, from using Sri Lanka’s newly reopened southern international airport in Mattala as a refueling stop point to undertaking joint measures to respond to transnational threats, generating faster responses to humanitarian emergencies and disaster relief activities, simulating air operations and improving telecommunication awareness in aerospace, as well as guaranteeing supply and logistics.

Cooperation between middle and small powers would also convey a positive and powerful message to the Indian Ocean region and beyond.

Air connectivity played a pivotal role in bilateral relations during the Second World War. After Australia effectively lost overseas air connections in early 1942, it had to rely on the "Double Sunrise" flights between Perth and what was then Ceylon for air connections to the outside world.

In March 2021, the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) will reach a century, while the Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF) notches seven decades since its establishment. These anniversaries are an opportunity to renew bilateral collaboration, and enhance multilateral engagement through innovative cross-regional measures.

Maritime and air connectivity have been mutually beneficial in the past. Prime Minister Scott Morrison was one of the first foreign leaders to congratulate Mahinda Rajapaksa on his recent return to government as Sri Lankan Prime Minister, with Rajapaksa calling the two countries “steadfast partners for many years on a number of issues”.  Now may be the moment to build a strategic partnership that aims yet higher.

This piece is part of a two-year project being undertaken by the ANU National Security College on the Indian Ocean, with the support of the Department of Defence