BREXIT: A Decade Later

By Sisaru Diyunuge

Britons decisively voted to end their 43-year membership with the European Union on the 23rd June 2016, effectively severing the UK’s economic, legal and labour market connectivity with the continent (BBC News,2016). As the UK completes a decade post-referendum, it can be argued that Britain is poorer, less influential, and more divided than it was in 2016.

This essay explores how the origins of Britain's troubles predate the consequences of the results of a single vote. In fact, this essay hopes to explore how Brexit was not the silver bullet its proponents were hoping for - a pivot to the Commonwealth and the Anglosphere in the hope for markets beyond the EU has arguably backfired as this strategy has come to terms with geopolitical, geographic and cultural realities. On the other hand, the topic of immigration - which garnered tremendous attention - an anxiety that ran deep in British society, which arguably was the key reason for the referendum, has indeed produced the opposite of what many “leave” voters wanted. Thus, this essay examines how the above two factors contributed to Britain’s woes a decade later before considering what Britain's future might be in the decade ahead.

A laggard of growth

A decade after the leave vote, economists are measuring the barometers of the economy to move past speculation. Measurements published by researchers concluded that Brexit has indeed become a burden to the UK economy over a structural drag rather than a permanent one-off shock. As the UK economy is no longer permeable to the EU free-market, the economic productivity of the UK is said to reduce by 4% year-on-year. In contrast, researchers claim this reduction in productivity is predicted not be as drastic had the UK remained in the EU (UK in a Changing Europe, 2026).

Nowhere is this rift more prevalent than the trade of merchandise and services across the channel from the UK to mainland Europe: it is estimated that exports from the UK are 10% to 15% lesser now than in the past. Key reasons quoted are complicated customs declaration forms, rules-of-origin paperwork and sanitary checks on all merchandise exports - this would not have been the case without Brexit as smaller to medium size UK exporters are unable to absorb legal and administrative costs as a result of these new non-tariff barriers (UK in a Changing Europe, 2026).

Brexit: The Straw that broke the Camel’s back

One must be forgiven if they treated Brexit to be the sole reason for all of Britain’s malaise. However, one must closely examine the destruction left by the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) of 2008 on the British economy. It is no secret that London is arguably the world’s premier banking and finance hub, this meant that the UK economy was overly exposed to the crash of 2008. What followed the GFC of 2008 was a brutal austerity package delivered by the Conservative government’s exchequer led by then-chancellor of the exchequer, George Osborne - leading to widespread spending cuts throughout the 2010’s crippling public services such as the NHS whilst wages declined year on year (Global Banking and Finance,2026). Thus, one may deduce that sustained cuts to public spending left UK public services with broken systems, a trajectory which each UK government since was neither able to reverse, reform nor change.

It is true that Britons were experiencing their real wages decline year-on-year since the GFC of 2008 leading to a stagnation of British wealth and standard of living compared to their OECD peers. Brexit, therefore, is a compounding of the malaise rather than the cause.

A lack of interest

Proponents of Brexit argued that leaving the common market would inherently mean Britain taking control of how they do business with the rest of the world, thus opening up the market for and to emerging economies of Asia and the Americas and harnessing the partnerships with the old Commonwealth nations. An article published by the London School of Economics (2024) explains what the British government’s strategy was “Global Britain” - which one may even argue is a strategy to pivot away from the European Union and onto Asia and the Americas. The same study concluded that this strategy, a decade on, has simply failed (LSE, 2024).

The UK-Australia trade agreement was the first of many trade deals negotiated and ratified, and followed by another with New Zealand - however, given both countries are; a) geographical distance from the UK, b) their existing trade agreements with Asian neighbours and most importantly c) both Australia and New Zealand having very successful agriculture exports, meant that the UK did not, in essence, get what it hoped for. In fact, the Centre for European Reform (n.d.) analysed that the agreements between these countries would only add to the British economy very marginally with 0.008% from Australia and, with 0.003% from New Zealand, over a period of time till 2035.

India, the former jewel in the Empire’s crown, is a comprehensive negotiator. The potential trade deal with India was trumpeted by the then-government of the UK as the largest prize of the Commonwealth strategy. However, talks have dragged on for years and the yields of this process have been significantly disproportionate for the UK - said to only add approximately 0.2% to the UK GDP (Centre for European Reform, n.d.) While the trade deal with the United States has not yet taken place in full, the UK’s major trade partners with or without Brexit remain to be EU member states (LSE,2024).

Immigration, not trade

Brexit has often perplexed experts and economists in Britain and across the world, and one would be forgiven if they asked “So, why did Brexit happen?” The EU’s policy on free movement within member countries have become a lightning rod in the UK for quite some time, and the ensuing economic malaise has cast a spell away from the actual problem the many jobs taken by new faces across Britain - in low skills sectors like fruit picking and gig-workers to doctors and nurses in the NHS. This has undoubtedly caused anxieties about wages, housing and public services and above all, national identity amongst Britons (UK in a Changing Europe, 2026).

One would be mistaken to believe, or perceive that anxieties about Britain’s immigration woes were limited to the precariat class, however a CNN report on the tenth anniversary of Brexit (2026) sheds light on a software developer named Geriant who voted “leave”, constantly citing that Britain did not have control over its borders due to EU laws and was anxious about what the impact would be to the NHS and other public services if inundated with foreigners, despite the decades of long austerity.

However, it can be argued that Brexit did not usher in the desired outcomes. “Taking back control” paved the way for over 550,000 immigrants, a far greater number than the approximately 250,000 in the pre-Brexit era, resulting in a peak in 2023 with approximately 950,000 (CNN Business, 2026). Essentially, intra and inter-EU migration was replaced by non-EU migration from the former Commonwealth, Latin-America and Africa who were needed to replace Britain’s ageing workforce.

As of 2025 and 2026, Britain’s net migration levels are down, but this is thanks to tough migration policies adopted by both the Conservative as well as Labour governments and not Brexit (Office for National Statistics, 2026; Full Fact,2026).

And the decade ahead?

It can be understood that Brexit did not deliver the intended results, and in fact, the reverse occurred in relation to immigration and nothing at all when it comes to international trade. Nonetheless, the investment bank Goldman Sachs (2026) reported that Britain may have weathered the worst of the Brexit malaise. The Labour-led government since 2024 has pursued a long-term reform agenda and has made inroads to iron-out any friction that might have existed with partners (Idea Farm,2026).

However, the long-term damage caused by years of austerity and Brexit, goes beyond the economy. Today, Britain is divided, more than ever whilst voters have become increasingly impatient with both the Conservative and Labour parties. This is evident through the recent polls which ensured wins for the far-right Reform UK party led by Nigel Farage, arguably one of the chief architects of the “leave” campaign (CGTN, 2026). While there is a renewed campaign to rejoin the EU via the “National Rejoin March” - this has been limited to urban areas like London, Manchester and are only popular amongst young urban university-educated voters.

The promises made by the leave campaign clearly did not bear fruit - Global Britain via the Commonwealth did not yield desired results, and the debate on immigration got even hotter. The case for Global Britain is weak, and is a hard nut to crack - years of austerity led to a stagnation of wages and a sharp decline in the standard of living. Brexit was simply the straw that broke the camel’s back. Once, the mighty British Empire - the greatest ever known to mankind, struggles today to lead a delegation to successfully negotiate a trade deal, struggles today to keep social cohesion and unity within its borders while the Commonwealth moves on from the days of the Empire. A decade on, the UK finds itself at a crossroad, no closer to a settled answer to the question it once asked its citizens.

References

BBC News (2016) EU Referendum Results, http://www.bbc.com.uk/news/politics/eu_referendum/results

Centre for European Reform (n.d.) Weighed down by gravity: UK trade policy after Brexit, https://www.cer.eu/insights/weighed-down-gravity-uk-trade-policy-after-brexit

CGTN (2026), Analysis: 6 PMs in a decade - Why is UK stuck in political turmoil?, https://news.cgtn.com/news/2026-06-23/Analysis-6-PMs-in-a-decade-Why-is-UK-stuck-in-political-turmoil--1Od38p1ro5i/p.html

CNN Business (2026), Ten years on: How Brexit has impacted the UK economy, https://edition.cnn.com/2026/06/22/business/brexit-anniversary-uk-economy-impact-intl

FULL FACT (2025), How many migrants come to the UK?, https://fullfact.org/immigration/net-migration-to-the-uk/

Global Banking and Finance (2026), UK political instability: PM Turnover and Economic Challenges, https://www.globalbankingandfinance.com/anyone-fix-britain-regular-change-pm-symptom-uks-malaise/

Goldman Sachs Investment Research (2026), UK - The Economic Cost of Brexit, Ten Years On, https://www.gspublishing.com/content/research/en/reports/2026/06/24/487d9f10-f31c-4e8d-ac71-b248ce8a8aaf.html

Idea Farm (2026), Brexit 10 Years On: What’s worked, what hasn’t, what’s next?, https://theideafarm.com/markets/brexit-10-years-on-whats-worked-what-hasnt-whats-next/

LSE (2024) Global Britain has failed - what next? British Politics and Policy Blog, https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/global-britain-has-failed-what-next/

Office for National Statistics (2026), Long-term international migration, provisional:year ending December 2025, https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/populationandmigration/internationalmigration/bulletins/longterminternationalmigrationprovisional/yearendingdecember2025

UK in a Changing Europe (2026), Brexit ten years on: the economy, https://ukandeu.ac.uk/brexit-ten-years-on-the-economy/

LADY PAMELA HICKS AND INDIA: A REFLECTION

By George I. H. Cooke

History is replete with persons who contributed to its making, and those who enjoyed a ringside seat of experiencing all that was unfolding. Lady Pamela Carmen Louise Hicks (nee Mountbatten) belongs to the latter. As the younger daughter of Lord Louis Mountbatten and Lady Edwina Mountbatten, she lived through numerous historic moments, throughout her life, but in particular, during her early formative years. Born in Madrid, Spain on 19 April 1929, Pamela was baptized two months later in the Royal Chapel at St James Palace, and had amongst her many godparents, King Alphonso XIII, the then King of Spain.

With the outbreak of the Second World War, Pamela and her sister Patricia were sent to the United States of America. However, her life took a drastic turn in 1947, with two particularly significant events – a new home in India and a family wedding in the United Kingdom. Both these events would have an extraordinary impact on the young girl, as she experienced firsthand, much that unfolded in both countries at that period of time.

A new home in India

The first, was her new home, in India, which was a considerable distance from the environs she had been used to and grownup in. Her father of course was no stranger to South Asia having lived in Ceylon in the early 1940s at the height of the Second World War, when he was the Supreme Allied Commander of South East Asia. Her passage to India in February 1947, was owing to her parents being tasked with a new responsibility at the last stages of the colonial period in that country. A 17-year-old Pamela joined her parents on what would be a very adventurous trip to the subcontinent, with which connections would remain for years to come. Her daughter, India Hicks reflects that “The moment she arrived in India at the tender age of 17, following her parents who had been appointed as the last Viceroy and Vicereine, she was put to work in the medical camps just outside Delhi. This led to a lifelong involvement with charitable organisations - and to me being aware from an early age that ‘from whom much is given much is expected’.”

Her father’s term as Viceroy ended at the dawn of India’s independence in August 1947, and thereafter, he was appointed the first Governor-General on the Union of India, serving till 21 June 1948. Yet her association with India would continue. Prior to her father’s term ending, Pamela had been appointed as Assistant to Major General Thomas Wynford Rees, the head of the Military Committee of the Indian Emergency Cabinet. She had access to some of the most sensitive information of that time, as the partition was unfolding, leading to the creation of Pakistan and independence of India. She also served for a brief period as Secretary to V. K. Krishna Menon, following his appointment as India’s High Commissioner in London, widening her knowledge and understanding of India in that post-independence period.

Although young in years, Pamela’s work and enterprising nature had seen her engaging with many leaders, including Mahathma Gandhi with whom she had meditated, and the first Prime Minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru, who would even write lengthy letter to the younger daughter of the Mountbattens. His association with the Mountbatten family has been extensively discussed, especially his closeness friendship with her mother, Lady Edwina Mountbatten, yet the trouble he took to write to young Pamela, long after she had left India and returned to London, was significant.

In one letter, preserved in the Nehru Archive, he writes to her about a short story she had given him for his views. “I liked reading it, and I think that it is very well written. It flows on smoothly without any padding. The reader becomes more and more interested in Neola and to some extent, of course, in the girl and her reactions to Neola. Thus, it becomes a live story which leaves an impression and a memory after reading it. Looked at from the point of view of an animal story, it is good, as it shows a great deal of intimate observation. I doubt if any expert zoologists have observed a Neola so carefully and noted its characteristics. Thus, your story has a certain scientific value.” He goes onto encourage her writing abilities noting that “I think it is so good that you are sure to find a periodical which will publish it. You must go ahead with this and you must also write some more.”

Nehru goes on to refer to a dinner the night before, at which he was joined by her mother, and an American singer and actress, Eartha Mae Kitt, and confiding in Pamela, he writes that “I am afraid that I was not terribly impressed in any way by the lady. It is not fair for me to judge her because I have not seen her performing. But I did not see anything terribly attractive or exciting about her.”

A month after Pamela Mountbatten married David Hicks in January 1960, her mother Lady Edwina Mountbatten died. The Indian Prime Minister’s sister, Vijay Lakshmi Pandit, serving at the time as India’s High Commissioner in London, wrote to her brother ahead of his visit to the United Kingdom stating that “He (Lord Mountbatten) clings to those who knew and loved Edwina. So, I have come to realise that he is very anxious that you should go to Broadlands. I know that a visit by you will help him and also Patricia and Pammy very much.” The closeness of these families was evident, well beyond their years of association in India, and ‘Pammy’ as Pamela Mountbatten is fondly referred to, cherished her time in India, even naming her youngest daughter after the country.

She would return to India many times, with her mother, husband or on her own, and most often stayed with Prime Minister Nehru. One of those visits with her mother was in the first quarter of 1959, when they travelled to various parts of the country. For Nehru however, the moment that stood out the most, and about which he wrote to Lord Mountbatten, “This afternoon I did something which I had been thinking of for the last ten years or more. Edwina and Pammy took me right up the great dome of Rashtrapati Bhavan and we looked at the city of Delhi spread out before us on all sides. It has grown greatly.”

Pamela’s connection to India was due initially to her accompanying her parents in 1947, but the strength of the relationship was evident just a year later when, Nehru acknowledged her in his farewell speech to the Mountbattens in June 1948, when he stated that “She came here straight from school, and possessing all the charm she does, she did a grown-up person’s work in this troubled scene of India. I do not know if all of you who are present here know the work she has done, but those who do know well how splendid that has been and how much it is appreciated.”

In the first two decades of the 21st century, the passion for writing, so carefully nurtured in her youth, as well as the exotic places and intriguing personalities she met across India, resulted in the publication of two particularly significant books - ‘India Remembered: A Personal Account of the Mountbattens During the Transfer of Power’ which was co-authored with her daughter, India, and published in 2007, and the second, ‘Daughter of Empire: Life as a Mountbatten’ which was released in 2014.

Closer to the Royal Family

The other significant development of 1947, was when her father’s sister’s son, Philip Mountbatten, married Princess Elizabeth, the heir to the British throne, on 20 November 1947. A young Pamela Mountbatten, who returned briefly from India, was one of the eight bridesmaids attending to the young princess at this wedding. Although their friendship extended to her younger days, even before the marriage, they would remain close over the years as Pamela was made a Lady-in-Waiting to the princess and thereafter continued in this position, when Elizabeth became Queen.

In 1952, when Princess Elizabeth was in Kenya on the first leg of a Commonwealth tour that would have also taken her to Australia, New Zealand and Ceylon, her father King George VI passed away. Lady Pamela Hicks, who was traveling with her, was present at Treetops Hotel, in Kenya’s Aberdare National Park, witnessing Princess Elizabeth becoming Queen Elizabeth.

When the postponed 1952 royal tour commenced at the end of 1953 and flowed into the next year, the royal couple, visited Ceylon in April 1954, and Pamela Mountbatten was Lady-in-Waiting to the Queen. She has been photographed at several events during the royal visit, the most notable being the opening of Parliament, which took place at the Independence Memorial Hall in Colombo.

Lady Pamela Hicks, served the Queen for many decades, travelling with her across the United Kingdom, and also to many countries, as she supported her longstanding friend, relative and sovereign. She was even seen at her funeral in September 2022, when an era ended, and the world that Pamela had grown-up in and known so well was gradually coming to a close. She had enjoyed the thrills of life, known kings and prime ministers, toured extensively, gained immense knowledge, and yet had also endured personal tragedy as when her mother passed away in her sleep in Malaysia in 1960, and when her father was assassinated on 27 August 1979 in Mullaghmore, Ireland by the Provisional Irish Republican Army. Her father had been in his fishing boat, with his eldest daughter, Patricia, her husband, John Knatchbull, their twin sons, and his daughter’s mother-in-law. The bomb claimed the lives of the last viceroy of India, one of his grandsons, the child’s grandmother and a boat assistant.

Following the death of her own husband, David Hicks on 29 March 1998, Lady Pamela Hicks continued to make the most of the years ahead of her. As her daughter India Hicks, in announcing her mother’s passing noted, “through the prism of a crowded and remarkable past, she made incomparable company, carrying her memories lightly, and always with humour. My mother maintained right up to the end, the impeccable style, sharp mind, and effortless charm that made her not only a cherished institution, but truly the last of her kind.”

The death of Pamela Carmen Louise Hicks (nee Mountbatten) on 5 June 2026 has seen the closure of yet another window into a past, that saw so much, meant so much and yet remains much of a mystery to many, especially in South Asia. ly the last of her kind.”

This article is part of 'The Window Series'

A Glimpse into Sri Lanka-United Kingdom Relations

By J. K. Janith Prabashwara Perera

University of Leeds, United Kingdom

Introduction

With Sri Lanka (then Ceylon) under British rule for 133 years, the ties between Sri Lanka and United Kingdom extend across colonial history, trade, diplomacy, and cultural exchange. From its past as a British colony to its present as a sovereign state, Sri Lanka maintains a complex yet dynamic relationship with United Kingdom—marked by strong bilateral cooperation and a trilateral connection through the Commonwealth of Nations. This article provides an overview of these relationships, offering insights to further strengthen the foreign policies of both nations for mutual growth and collaboration.

Pre-Colonial Era

In Pliny, the Elder's Naturalis Historia, Sri Lanka (then referred to as Taprobane) is described as an exotic and wealthy island renowned for its pearls, gems, and spices, which were highly prized in the Roman Empire. This led to the establishment of trade connections between the two regions. Pliny also mentions an embassy from Sri Lanka to Roman Emperor Claudius (41–54 CE), highlighting the early diplomatic and trade relations between them (Murphy, 2004). It is noteworthy that, during this period, Britain was part of the Roman Empire, known as Roman Britain.

Colonial Era (1796–1948)

The coastal areas of Sri Lanka (then Ceylon) came under British control in 1796, when the Dutch ceded power during the Napoleonic Wars (Sivasundaram, 2007). This presented an opportune moment for the British Empire to extend its dominance, especially considering the island’s strategic maritime position and the wealth of precious stones and spices it possessed. However, it was not until 1815, following the signing of the Kandyan Convention, that the British gained control over the entire island (Amarasinghe and Rajhans, 2020). With this consolidation of power, Ceylon officially became a British colony. During this period, the British introduced plantation agriculture, infrastructure development, educational reforms, and an administrative and judicial system—many of which have left a lasting legacy on the country today.

The introduction of plantation crops such as tea, rubber, and coffee, which became vital to Sri Lanka's export economy, was one of the most significant legacies of British rule. Tea and rubber remain two of Sri Lanka’s primary exports, providing essential foreign income. In 2022, the United Kingdom was Sri Lanka’s second-largest export partner, accounting for 7.44% of the total export share (World Integrated Trade Solution, 2025). In terms of infrastructure, the railway system, established during British rule, remains one of the main forms of public transportation. Despite ongoing modernisation efforts, much of the original infrastructure is still in use and maintained.

The administrative and democratic reforms implemented by the British also left a lasting impact. Although local representation was limited, the establishment of the Legislative Council in 1833 marked a significant milestone in Sri Lanka’s move toward democratic governance (Jayasinghe and Welikala, 2013). However, communal representation in the Legislative Council has been criticised for deepening ethnic divisions, which later contributed to the rise of Tamil nationalism and ultimately plunged the country into nearly three decades of ethnic conflict (Soherwordi, 2010). In 1931, the Donoughmore Reforms introduced universal suffrage, paving the way for a more representative government. These changes eventually led to the Soulbury Constitution in 1947, which set the stage for Sri Lanka’s independence in 1948. However, Sri Lanka remained a dominion until 1972, with the British Queen as the head of state (Abeyratne, 2019). The parliamentary system, based on the British Westminster model, remained in effect until 1978, when an Executive Presidential system was introduced through the second Republican constitution. Today, Sri Lanka operates under a semi-presidential hybrid presidential-parliamentary system, with the Prime Minister also playing a significant role in governance.

The judicial and education systems in Sri Lanka are also deeply influenced by British practices. English Common Law, based on legal precedents and judicial decisions, which was adopted during the colonial era, continues to govern Sri Lanka's legal framework (University of Minnesota, 2018).  Similarly, Sri Lanka’s education system has been heavily influenced by British models, with remnants of its colonial legacy still evident. For example, the university system follows the British higher education structure (Jayasuriya, 2001), while gender-segregated schools—established during British rule—continue to function today, reflecting the enduring impact of coloniality (Albrecht, 2024).

Post Independence (After 1948)

On 4 February 1948, Sri Lanka (then Ceylon) became a self-governing independent state with a Westminster-style parliamentary system (Abeyratne,2019). D. S. Senanayake, the first Prime Minister of independent Ceylon, also assumed the roles of Minister of External Affairs and Defence, maintaining close ties with the United Kingdom. In 1949, Prime Minister D. S. Senanayake signed the London Declaration, officially making Ceylon a founding member of the Commonwealth of Nations, a voluntary association of independent states that preserved Ceylon’s sovereignty while maintaining strong diplomatic and historical connections with Britain. However, the British monarch remained the Head of State, British military forces continued to operate in Ceylon for few years even after independence, and the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in the UK remained the highest court of appeal. As a result, Ceylon functioned as a Dominion until 22 May 1972, when it became a republic and was renamed the Republic of Sri Lanka (Abeyratne, 2019).

In the decades following independence, Sri Lanka and the UK maintained strong relations centered around trade, education, and governance. Many Sri Lankan political leaders travelled to the United Kingdom for education and exposure to new ideas. At the time of independence, Sri Lanka was an open economy, with a tariff-based preference to products of the British Empire, before efforts to diversify trade with the rest of the world was focused (Jayawardena, 2018). The UK continued to be a major export market for Sri Lankan products, including tea, rubber, textiles, and coconut products. In the 1970s, when Sri Lanka attempted trade liberalisation and more open economic policies, the UK remained a key trade partner. Records from the UK Parliament (2000) confirm that since 1964 Sri Lanka has received formal development assistance through British government aid agencies. These aid and technical assistance have been invested in the development of public administration, healthcare, agriculture, and community development projects. Relations between the two countries took a significant turn during the years of the civil war and its immediate aftermath.  

Civil War and Post-War Diplomatic Challenges

Relations between Sri Lanka and the UK became strained during Sri Lanka’s civil war (1983-2009) due to the UK’s concerns over human rights violations by both the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The UK also became home to a significant Tamil diaspora, many of whom voiced concerns over the human rights abuses in Sri Lanka (Vimalarajah and Cheran, 2010).

During the civil war and its aftermath, the UK provided humanitarian aid to displaced Tamil populations and civilian victims. British humanitarian organisations, including Oxfam GB, Save the Children UK, and the British Red Cross, played key roles in relief efforts despite significant access challenges (Goodhand, 1999; Harris and Lewer, 2002; Save the Children, 2024; Tran and Chamberlain, 2009). Additionally, the UK supported international peace efforts, particularly during the failed peace talks and the Ceasefire Agreement in 2002 (UK Parliament, 2002).

Although the UK became home to a large Tamil diaspora, the LTTE’s violent campaign for Tamil Eelam, employing tactics of terrorism, led the UK to designate the LTTE as a terrorist organization in 2001. Additionally, due to LTTE supporters in the UK engaging in fundraising and lobbying efforts, the UK viewed the LTTE as a threat to national security and banned it under the Terrorism Act 2000 (Curtis and Robinson, 2024). After the military defeat of the LTTE in 2009, the UK advocated for justice and accountability, calling for an independent investigation into war crimes allegations (Mason, 2013). This created diplomatic tensions between the two countries, but the UK remained a key partner in Sri Lanka’s post-war reconstruction and reconciliation efforts, providing financial and technical aid for peacebuilding, human rights, and governance projects.

Contemporary Ties

In recent years, marked by Brexit, the Covid-19 pandemic, and political and economic instability in Sri Lanka, trade, development, and political relations between the two countries have demonstrated both cooperation and diplomatic concerns. The Department for Business and Trade (DBT) provides free international export sales leads to UK Businesses to facilitate trade between the two countries (UK Government, 2025a).

While the policies of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa (2019-2022) were met with mixed reactions in the UK, particularly regarding concerns over freedom of speech, press freedom, and minority rights, the UK's assistance for economic reforms and humanitarian aid played a pivotal role in strengthening bilateral relations (Walker and Curtis, 2022). However, in 2023, British Minister for the Indo-Pacific, Anne-Marie Trevelyan visited Sri Lanka to further solidify ties, focusing on areas such as climate change, security, and human rights. During her visit, she travelled to both Colombo and Jaffna, where she met with then-President Ranil Wickremesinghe and other key government figures (Daily FT, 2023).

More recently, in January 2025, Minister for the Indo-Pacific, Catherine West visited Sri Lanka with a focus on boosting exports and economic growth, meeting with the Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Sri Lanka (UK Government, 2025b). This signifies strong and continued diplomatic ties between the two countries.

Development assistance from the UK has played a crucial role in Sri Lanka's post-war recovery, as well as during the pandemic and the subsequent economic recovery phases. In particular, the UK provided lifesaving aid to Sri Lanka's most vulnerable populations, further strengthening diplomatic ties between the two nations (UK Government, 2022).

Today, Sri Lanka and the UK continue to engage in trade, investment, education, and sustainable development. The UK remains a top destination for Sri Lankan migrants, and British influence is still evident in almost every sector in Sri Lanka. Additionally, the two nations collaborate in areas such as climate change, security, and tourism.

Conclusion

From the colonial era to the present day, the two nations have maintained strong diplomatic, economic, and cultural ties. Sri Lanka’s trade with the UK, particularly in commodities like tea, rubber, and textiles, has remained a cornerstone of this relationship, while the UK continues to show interest in Sri Lanka's development, economic growth, and political stability. In conclusion, despite challenges, such as differing perspectives during Sri Lanka’s civil war, the diplomatic ties between the two nations have remained resilient. As Sri Lanka navigates its post-war reconstruction, development, and economic recovery, the partnership with the UK remains a vital pillar of progress, fostering growth, stability, and shared prosperity.

 

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BOOK REVIEW - SRI LANKA AIR FORCE HIGHLIGHTS HISTORY AND HONOURS HEROES IN LATEST PUBLICATION

ROYAL WINGS OVER CEYLON: An Engraved Era submerged with time

History is dotted with moments, that developed into incidents, which collectively impacted and altered the trajectory of time from then onwards. The changes wrought on the actors involved transformed their journey, and generations thereafter live according to the results of that which occurred long before they were around. These moments and incidents are now long gone, having been committed to history, but must never be forgotten, owing to the enormity of challenges, the fortitude with which they were faced, and the power with which they were overcome.

The latest publication of the Sri Lanka Air Force, ‘Royal Wings over Ceylon: An engraved era submerged with time’ is a timely reflection of a critical moment in Sri Lanka’s history, when the island was under British rule, and got drawn into the Second World War. While the theatre of conflict was away from the island, the book revolves around the Japanese attacks at the height of the war, which brought the conflict to our shores. It emphasizes the effective manner in which the attacks were thwarted, and how efforts were taken to ensure that the tide was not turned in the war effort of the Allied powers against the Axis powers. Failure on that occasion could have changed the course of history drastically. British war-time Prime Minister, Sir Winston Churchill, claimed that the 1942 bombing of Ceylon was “the most dangerous moment of the war”, and the severity of those moments is duly reflected in this latest book. Historians have written extensively about the rigours of war, especially the Second World War, yet the position of Ceylon in this intricate narrative is often lost internationally, and is absent domestically, where knowledge of such an occurrence is miniscule.

The book takes the reader on a fascinating journey back in time, through the well-crafted chapters, which examine aspects of 1942, from the global scenario that prevailed, and the Japanese expansion of Empire that was occurring, to the travails of Squadron Leader Leonard Joseph Birchall, a Canadian pilot who emerged a hero, though remained a prisoner of war for many years. The heroism of such officers, who saw colleagues perish around them, yet remained steadfast in their duty, and safeguarded the island nation, are personalities worth researching and knowing. They were a long way from home, yet duty called, and the result was the safeguarding of our home country.

Similarly, the chapter on the entire attacks in Colombo and Trincomalee, encapsulates details of all that unfolded, and the inclusion of pictorial representations, especially the comparison of the affected areas then and now, enhance the reflective tribute of this book. Also highlighted, and of special interest is how many well-known areas of Colombo, specifically the Colombo Racecourse grounds served as an airstrip with maps providing residents of Colombo an understanding of what the city they dwell in endured. The chapter on ‘The Eastern Fortress’, which discusses Trincomalee and the magnificence of the natural harbour that exists there, causes the reader to grapple with the enormity of potential, that was realised at that time, by a colonial power, and had been to the advantage of other powers too, given the battles that had been fought in the seas off the coast.

The reader is given a synopsis of RAF bases that existed in Ceylon. For civilians, researchers and air enthusiasts, this information is an opportunity to understand the outlay, the incidents, the capacity and the achievements of a bygone era. The meticulous attention to detail makes for very interesting reading, and piques curiosity in the researcher to delve further into a time and space that existed on our island, but has passed into the annals of history. The chapter, appropriately titled, ‘Courageous Ceylonese Seeds in the RAF’, focuses on the people of this country, who joined the Royal Air Force, gained training at the Cranwell Flying School in the United Kingdom, and would later defend the skies over the island, and significantly came from all communities that inhabit the island. The reference to Aimee Jonklaas, who was the only Ceylonese female pilot in WWII is especially poignant.

Interwoven through the book, is the story of the island of Sri Lanka, from the vantage point of a specific moment in history. Undertaking a project of this nature requires much effort, dedication and true passion to see it through to fruition, and this has been accomplished overwhelmingly. The editorial team has provided the reader with food for thought in the arena of air power, and ensured that the book and its rich contents could spawn several more research projects, to dig deeper and uncover treasures of the past, which should be safeguarded for posterity. This timely publication is a must-read for all those interested in the history of Sri Lanka, world affairs, the colonial period, strategy, warfare and air power.  

The book is a worthy contribution to the existing literature pertaining to the RAF, yet its reflective nature weaves our island into that century-old tapestry, which has been guided by the spirit of ‘Per Ardua ad Astra’ (through adversity to the stars).

Kudos to the team, and their desire to revive, revisit and record history!

-          George I. H. Cooke