- George I. H. Cooke
India
remains a constant in the foreign policy formulation process in Sri Lanka given
geographic and historic connections. Yet equally important are personalities
that have dotted the political landscape over the last seven decades. The
success or failure in comprehending the complexities of these personalities,
have resulted in relations soaring and souring at varied periods. It has been
the chemistry between the leadership of the two countries that has been
instrumental in steering relations, and will continue to do so in the years
ahead. As the world’s largest democracy prepares for another crucial general
election in 2019 the consequent relations with neighbouring countries remains
critical, given the presence and potential of India in South Asia.
The
signing of the Defence Agreement with the British on the eve of Independence,
construed as one of the first foreign policy decisions of D. S. Senanayake,
secured the support and strength of the British from any form of aggression
that might have been exerted by Ceylon’s immediate neighbour. Senanayake’s
inhibitions which were upheld by his son and successor, Dudley Senanayake and
then by Sir John Kotelawala, resulted in the first eight years of independent
Ceylon existing amid deep concern over the power, potential and population of
India.
It
wasn’t until the advent of the Bandaranaike administration in 1956 that
relations entered a new era given the closeness of the leadership that had been
nurtured for more than a decade. While S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike had met with
Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru on several occasions, in the company of Mrs
Bandaranaike, Indira Gandhi too had been a part of such interactions. S. W. R.
D. Bandaranaike was confident enough to abrogate the Defence Agreement with the
British owing to his not harbouring the same apprehensions of his three
predecessors. The bonds of friendship between the Bandaranaikes and Nehru,
continued when Mrs Bandaranaike came to power, and were further strengthened
with the arrival of Mrs Gandhi into the political hierarchy, as issues
pertaining to people of Indian origin and Kachchativu, to name just two matters
were amicably resolved. Regular and close interactions fostered a deeper degree
of trust and understanding that would augur well for both countries whenever
members of the two families were at the helm.
Foreign
policy formulation and implementation during the Sirimavo Bandaranaike
administrations is often invoked when highlighting the balanced nature of
relations, especially with countries like India and China. Yet there is failure
to understand the uniqueness of relations at that time and the manner in which
they had been nurtured. Connections of this nature have not been seen between
the leadership of Sri Lanka and India in the ensuing decades.
In
the second half of the 1960s Dudley Senanayake engaged with India to the extent
that Mrs Gandhi visited Colombo in September 1967 and the visit was
reciprocated by Senanayake in November 1968, while India was in the Ceylon Aid
Group that was arranged by the World Bank and drew support from a large number
of countries in the West. The administration of J. R. Jayewardene at its
initiation in 1977 maintained a degree of momentum due to the premiership of
Moraji Desai. Visiting India in October 1978, President Jayewardene noted that
“I am a friend of India and its people; and admirer of its noble heritage, a
follower of its greatest son…Our meetings will only help to further the
understanding and cooperation that exist between us already.” Prime Minister
Desai was chief guest at the 1979 Independence commemoration and the foundation
stone laying ceremony for the Kotmale Dam and also addressed Parliament.
Cordiality
would soon end with Desai’s resignation and the election of Indira Gandhi in
December 1979. At their first meeting as leaders of their respective countries,
on the sidelines of the Commonwealth Asia-Pacific Regional Conference,
Jayewardene urged India to give leadership to the non-aligned world in
accordance with the achievements of the late Jawaharlal Nehru. Although
President Sanjiva Reddy appreciated the sentiments, Mrs Gandhi felt slighted
owing to her being excluded from the compliment and the comparison with the
past. Her previous tenure as Prime Minister had seen a warming of relations
with Lyndon B. Johnson and improved trade connectivity, which had ended in
disarray owing to attempts to become close to the Soviet Union. While the
September meeting may have marred relations, it was the developments in October
1980 that sealed the faith of Sri Lanka. The expulsion from Parliament and
disenfranchisement of Mrs Bandaranaike was denounced across the Palk Straits
and saw the rapid deterioration of relations.
The
riots and killings of July 1983 exacerbated ties with Mrs Gandhi sending
Minister Narasimha Rao to Colombo, as an estimated 35, 000 Sri Lankans sought
refuge in Tamil Nadu. The subsequent appointment of G. Parathasarathy and H. W.
Jayewardene as special envoys of their respective leaders was to become a
regular feature in diplomatic engagement in the decades ahead. Whilst Mrs
Gandhi highlighted the riots at the United Nations in New York, the Tamil Nadu
government was to sponsor a one million signature campaign, as information
regarding training facilities began to emerge. Following the assassination of
Mrs Gandhi in October 1984 and Rajiv Gandhi’s ascent to power, Jayewardene had
hoped for improved relations with Minister Lalith Athulathmudali sent to meet
the new Prime Minister. Whilst being disappointed at the refusal to establish
joint naval patrols in the Palk Straits, Jayewardene was to speak in favour of
Pakistan over Kashmir during a visit to Pakistan. During that visit he was bestowed
with the Nishan-E-Pakistan, the
highest award in the country.
As
the year unfolded with the appointment of J. N. Dixit as High Commissioner, the
five-page report on geo-political realities by Minister Gamini Dissanayake, the
Thimpu Talks, and the subsequent Delhi Accord which saw the recognition of a
province as a unit of devolution over a district, relations between India and Sri
Lanka ambled along with India continuing to be a refuge for training, arms
supply and a source of funds for the rebel movement. While P. Chidambaram and
Natwar Singh took over from Romesh Bandhari who had replaced Parathasarathy
earlier, the change of India’s stance to include politicians over bureaucrats
spelled a fresh development.
In
September 1986 when Gandhi and Jayewardene met on the sidelines of second SAARC
Summit in Bangalore, the signing of an accord was discussed giving way to the
infamous Indo-Lanka Accord in July 1987, a month after New Delhi found it
necessary to dispatch food items to Jaffna, first by ship and thereafter owing
to being turned back, by air. Both leaders survived assassination attempts, and
Congressman Stephan Solarz, Chairman of the Asia-Pacific Sub-Committee in House
of Representatives announced that he would nominate them for the Nobel Peace
Prize for ‘setting out on the right path. They will deserve great praise if
they stick to it. Mr Jayewardene will have saved his country. Mr Gandhi will
have exercised powers of statesmanship and a decision that seemed to have
deserted him.’
The
end of the Jayewardene tenure saw him invited as Guest-of-Honour for Republic
Day in India in 1988 as Sri Lanka prepared for provincial council elections and
the presidential election at the end of the year which would see Ranasinghe
Premadasa elected. Known for his staunch opposition to the Indian Peace Keeping
Force (IPKF) in the country, President Premadasa was to declare the need for
them to leave, in the ‘Battaramulla Declaration’ with a deadline of 31st
July that year, which was an ultimatum to Gandhi. Attempting to link the speedy
implementation of devolution to the ‘de-induction’ of troops, Gandhi had hoped
for an amicable settlement. J. N. Dixit was to write later that “We should encourage
the dialogue, howsoever difficult it maybe, as a friendly neighbour interested
in the stability and welfare of the people of Sri Lanka. We must resist any
attempt by any of the protagonists in Sri Lankan politics to re-inveigle us
into the Sri Lankan situation. Once has been more than enough.”
As
the final contingent of the IPKF left Sri Lanka in March 1990, with President
Jayewardene himself present to see them off, it was understood that relations had
reached an abysmal level. The subsequent unprecedented visit to New Delhi by a
Sri Lankan All Party Delegation that included Speaker M. H. Mohamed, Ranil
Wickremesinghe, Anura Bandaranaike, Dinesh Gunewardena and M. L. A. M Hisbullah
among others, was an attempt to revive relations. Further, the institutionalization
of an Indo-Sri Lanka Commission in 1991 with sub-commissions on trade, cultural
affairs and investment and the suggestion of an ‘Indo-Sri Lankan Friendship
Treaty’ were seen as attempts being made by the Sri Lankan leadership to
improve ties.
The
assassination of Gandhi in May 1991 and that of Premadasa two years later saw
the exit from the political spectrum of two key leaders, who had often been
critical of each other. The consecutive election victories of Chandrika
Bandaranaike Kumaratunga which saw her being sworn in as President also
indicated an improvement in relations with her first visit to India in March
1995. Having actively supported India’s bid for a non-Permanent seat on the UN
Security Council, India in turn supported Sri Lanka’s entry into the Indian
Ocean Rim Initiative. Working with Narasimha Rao, Inder Kumar Gujral, Atal
Behari Vajpayee and Dr Manmohan Singh, President Kumaratunga ensured the
strengthening of relations irrespective of the party in power in India.
The
Indian External Affairs Ministry issuing a statement during the visit in
December 2005 of newly elected President Mahinda Rajapaksa observed that
“Indo-Sri Lanka relations are excellent. There is good understanding and
interaction at the political level; trade and investment is expanding rapidly;
the institutional framework of the relationship has been strengthened further;
infrastructural linkages are being augmented; and people-to-people contacts
have intensified.’ The statement which could be regarded as a summary of
Indo-Lanka relations during the Kumaratunga presidency were testimony to the
role played chiefly by Kumaratunga and Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar.
The
Mahinda Chinthana of 2005 highlighted the significance that would be accorded to
India, in which it was stated that “I shall as a matter of priority, commence
talks with our immediate neighbour, India and arrive at an agreement in
relation to regional security and peace.” The several visits undertaken by
President Rajapaksa during his tenure and interactions with Dr Manmohan Singh
and thereafter with Narendra Modi, and their respective foreign ministers
emphasized the significance of connectivity between the two countries. The
assertion by a senior bureaucrat that Sri Lanka respects the regional and
international concerns and interests of India, and adopts foreign policy
accordingly was a vital message to the Indian leadership of the cooperation
expected as terminology changed from being ‘friends’ to ‘relations’.
The
first Rajapaksa administration worked in close consultation with the Indian
regime through the appointment of troikas on either side. While Basil
Rajapaksa, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa and Lalith Weeratunga represented Sri Lanka, M.
K. Narayanan, Shiv Shankar Menon and Vijay Singh intervened on behalf of India,
as sensitive details were discussed and issues ironed out, especially in light
of the intensification of the conflict. In the second term, although relations
were seen to dip as New Delhi tried to satisfy influential parties in Tamil
Nadu, and restricted engagement opened up new space for China, especially in
the development sphere, as well as the decision of Prime Minister Modi to skip
the Commonwealth Meeting in 2013, the election of President Maithripala
Sirisena saw the visit of Modi within three months in March 2015 following the
State Visit of Sirisena in February that year.
Prime
Minister Modi returned in May 2017 for the celebration of the International Day
of Vesak while External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj undertook many visits to
Colombo before and after this visit. Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe was in
New Delhi on his first visit overseas after the general election of August
2015, and thereafter in October 2016, and in April and November of 2017. It is
through an intensification of visits, interactions and mutual understanding of
those in power, that relations between the countries could be expected to
flourish.
India
prepares for general elections in 2019 with Prime Minister Modi keen to see a
second term and Rahul Gandhi attempting to revive the position his family
enjoyed at the helm of Indian leadership in the past. The outcome remains
significant, as overreliance on Tamil Nadu in the formation of a government at
the Centre, would not augur well for Sri Lanka. On the other hand a larger
majority being secured by the winning party, and its reduced reliance on the Tamil
Nadu vote base and politicians, would see a marked improvement of Indo-Lanka
ties. The viewing of India through the prism of Tamil Nadu is not the most
appropriate given the vastness of the country and the cordiality enjoyed with
other states. Yet Tamil Nadu remains a critical factor in the Indian
establishment. Elections in Sri Lanka, would also serve as a key determinant of
how relations will soar or sour, although all attempts would be made to prosper
the ties and refrain from antagonizing so important a neighbour.
Irrespective
of the outcome, it is prudent for foreign policy formulators and implementors
to realize that India is not a country to be trifled with, if experience is to
serve well.
