Reflections on the 60th anniversary of the election of the world’s first woman Prime Minister
History is replete with women who led their countries in varied capacities, either as royalty or revolutionaries. Yet it wasn’t until July 1960, that the democratic process saw the election of the world’s first woman Prime Minister to lead a country which had gained independence a little over a decade before. Ceylon shone internationally as Sirimavo Ratwatte Dias Bandaranaike took the oath of office, as a country and Prime Minister challenged the conventional norm at a time when women were not at the helm of political parties or governments. It was a progressive step given its origin in the East, in a developing country.
The foreign policy of Sirimavo Bandaranaike has been closely connected with that of her husband, but close examination of her tenure, indicates that she, in her own right, was instrumental in securing an advantageous position for the country she led, in the international community. Her foreign policy, and the manner in which she advocated, formulated and implemented it, deserves due reflection at this landmark juncture, as Sri Lanka prepares for another General Election.
Debate prevails over decisions made during her tenure in the 1960s and once again in the 1970s. During these periods she retained powers of governance in her office as Prime Minister which was not so during her third term from 1994 to 2000 as an Executive Presidency had been introduced. The foreign policy decisions that were made resulted in several unique developments that aided the country in several arenas, while some decisions are construed to have been detrimental.
Irrespective of the nature of the debate and its diversity, the prevalence of it is indicative that initiatives were taken, policies formulated, processes of implementation used, and results reaped during her years in office. As a Sri Lankan she broke gender barriers, overcame challenging national situations, advocated non-alignment and implemented it, and left an indelible mark in history.
Of equal importance is the manner in which she formulated policy, the key individuals around her assisting in that process, the mechanisms she used to implement such policies as well as the countries and organisations that she worked with as Prime Minister. In retrospect, it was her personality, policy and the people she worked with which could be collectively identified as astute factors that augured well for Sri Lanka.
Through the Non-Aligned Movement, the Commonwealth and United Nations, she was influential in the multilateral arena. Her actions in mediating between India and China led to the reduction in hostilities. The term ‘shuttle diplomacy’ although not coined in the early 1960s, would best describe what she engaged in, as a relatively new player on the world stage.
In her bilateral relations, she maintained the friendliest relations with India, while also working extremely closely with China and Pakistan. Despite her stance in the Cold War, she corresponded regularly with US Presidents concerning international issues and took the lead in soliciting their support. Equally determined to continue good relations with the Soviet Union, she even undertook a state visit to Moscow and several other countries east of the divide. Having made lifelong friends among the leaders across the world, from Canada, to Egypt, and Iraq to Yugoslavia, to name just a few, the personal friendship she exercised with statesmen and women, would stand Sri Lanka in good stead at critical times.
It is prudent on this anniversary to reflect upon key developments, numerous though they may be, of a leader, who strode the world stage with aplomb and ensured that the island of Sri Lanka was internationally recognised once again.
Leadership at a young age
At different stages of her life she had been exposed to leadership, and 1960 wasn’t the first occasion that she had been called upon to lead. Growing up she was the eldest child of Barnes Ratwatte Dissawa, who was the Rate Mahaththaya and hence actively involved in governance, while her mother, Rosalind Mahawalatenna Kumarihamy was a renowned ayurvedic physician. This meant that the young girl took on a position of leadership among her siblings at a very young age as both parents served the community at large.
A Girl Guide during her schooling career, she subsequently married Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike who was the Minister of Health and Local Government in 1940, and actively involved herself in social service, especially though the Lanka Mahila Samithi. She witnessed power, politics and personalities from a ringside seat for the next two decades, as her husband held many different positions. As Mr Bandaranaike progressed from being a Minister, to Opposition Leader and finally to the exalted position of Prime Minister, it was Sirimavo Bandaranaike who remained at his side and as witnessed the triumphs and travails of leadership and power.
It was his assassination in 1959, and the months thereafter that resulted in her entry into active politics and finally saw her being called upon to be sworn in as Prime Minister, as the party she led, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, won the general election in July 1960. She brought stability to the office, as the preceding months had seen two other Prime Ministers holding office for brief periods following the assassination.
The Non Aligned Movement
Coming to the helm of a country when the Cold War was raging, the new Prime Minister was determined to ensure that Ceylon was not drawn into the rapacious race which had divided the global community. Whilst Ceylon had been associated with the concept of non-alignment from before independence, and Sir John Kotelawala had convened the Colombo Conference in 1954, and started the journey to Bandung the next year, it took until September 1961, for the Non Aligned Movement to be formally launched.
Sirimavo Bandaranaike played a role which made her renowned in the Movement, leading the national delegation to the first five Summits, in 1961, 1964, 1970, 1973, and in 1976 when she hosted the leaders of the Non-Aligned world at their fifth Summit in Colombo.
Addressing the first Non Aligned Movement Summit in Belgrade in Yugoslavia, Mrs Bandaranaike expressed her happiness “to attend this great conference not only as a representative of my country but also as a woman and a mother who can understand the thoughts and feelings of those millions of women.” An issue that she championed on consecutive occasions was the need to secure zones free of nuclear weapons. In 1961, she cautioned that “our endeavour should be to influence world opinion to such an extent that governments, however powerful, cannot regard warfare as an alternative to negotiation.”
Similarly at the second Summit in Cairo in Egypt she stressed that “the idea of non-alignment arose out of our determination to be free of involvement with power blocs. With the changes that have occurred in the relations between the great powers…it is true that the definition and function of non-alignment needs re-examination.” As a result of her initiative, the Cairo Conference adopted two resolutions, which called for the establishment of zones free of nuclear weapons covering the oceans of the world, and a total condemnation of the big powers’ efforts to establish and maintain bases in the Indian Ocean. The Cairo Declaration was thereafter endorsed as a cornerstone of Ceylon’s foreign policy.
In the second half of the 1960s when she was in the opposition, there was no NAM Summit, and upon her re-election in 1970, she led the Ceylon delegation once again to Lusaka in Zambia for the third session of the grouping. Highlighting that caution alone doesn’t result in sound policies, she noted that “the small developing countries like mine which seek to follow a non-aligned policy are subjected to many pressures, threats and trials. But there is no question that non-alignment and friendship to all countries is the best policy for newly developing countries. The size of our own conference today proves that half of the world has come to understand and value non-alignment as a positive force in international politics.”
At this Summit, two proposals from Ceylon were adopted which called for the Zones of Peace to be closed to Great Power rivalry and conflict, and that the Indian Ocean should be declared a Peace Zone. She was very keen on hosting the Non Aligned leaders in Ceylon and in 1972 at the NAM Foreign Ministers Meeting in Georgetown, Guyana, she offered to host an upcoming summit, and this was awarded accordingly, with the 1976 Summit held in Colombo.
In the Algerian capital of Algiers for the 4th NAM Summit Mrs Bandaranaike was instrumental in supporting efforts of the Movement to tread a new path in bringing economic development onto the agenda of NAM. With the Economic Declaration and the Action Programme for Economic Co-operation being adopted, it became evident that the Movement was focused on making a significant difference in the lives of the people it represented by addressing basic needs and improving standards.
When the NAM came to Sri Lanka in August 1976, Mrs Bandaranaike was determined to steer the grouping along a path of economic development whilst emphasizing the need for collective economic self-reliance. This was to reduce the gap between the developed and developing countries through a ‘New International Economic Order’. The Summit in Colombo was seen as a crowning moment in her foreign policy, as the Movement wasn’t just another grouping, or one which didn’t make an impact. From its inception, right through the 60s and 70s NAM remained a critical and crucial grouping, which was the only solace for countries that didn’t want to be engulfed by the opponents of the Cold War.
Ironically the impact of NAM on the Cold War, on Sri Lanka, and the role played by leaders such as Mrs Bandaranaike, among many others internationally, who were identified as stalwarts of the Movement, hasn’t received due recognition or research.
The Commonwealth
After occupying a seat in the Senate or Upper House of Parliament on 5th August 1960, Prime Minister Bandaranaike tasked herself with due emphasis on domestic policy. Her first official multilateral engagement was in London at the Commonwealth Prime Ministers Conference in March 1961 when Harold Mcmillan was Prime Minister. It was the first Commonwealth Conference at which a woman Head of Government participated. Although the Queen presided over the opening of the sessions, she did not join the deliberations of what was widely regarded as a gentlemen’s club. It wasn’t until May 1979 that the United Kingdom accomplished the task of electing a woman Prime Minister, when Margaret Thatcher entered Downing Street. Other Commonwealth members, notably India, saw Indira Gandhi take on the mantle of leadership in January 1966.
Mrs Bandaranaike once again led the Ceylon delegation to the 13th Commonwealth Prime Minister’s Conference in July 1963 in London hosted by Prime Minister Sir Alec Douglas-Home. Once the nomenclature changed to the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting, she attended the first session in Singapore in January 1971 when it was led by Prime Minister Lee Kwan Yew. He too had undertaken a visit to Ceylon at the initial stage of her second term in August 1970, when Colombo was the first stop on his world tour.
In April 1975, Mrs Bandaranaike attended the third Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in Jamaica, hosted by Prime Minister Michael Manley, at which attention was predominantly focused on the Vietnam War. She understood the relevance of working with the Commonwealth and its member states, especially through the strong bonds of friendship she built with leaders of the grouping, which enriched her bilateral relations.
The United Nations
The United Nations and its system was not a new arena for Mrs Bandaranaike. She first accompanied her husband who was Prime Minister in 1956 when he addressed the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) for the first time after Ceylon had been admitted in December of the previous year. During her first term in office from 1960 to 1965 it had been Sir Claude Corea, Felix Dias Bandaranaike, G. P. Malalasekera and R. S. S. Gunewardene who had participated.
In the second year of her second term, Mrs Bandaranaike raised an issue of growing concern during her first address to the UNGA. She reiterated a call she had made repeatedly, in urging world peace through a nuclear free world, and noted that “the global implications of the proposal (declaring peace zones) require that it should receive universal acceptance and be fitted into the larger design of world peace and security and of general and complete disarmament.”
Her belief in the United Nations and its ability to play a monumental role was highlighted, when she further observed that “we have the Charter and a formidable body of international law, including declarations and resolutions, to illumine our path towards those goals. It is in our minds alone that darkness still exists, a darkness created by fear, hatred and suspicion. Our problem is to rid our minds of those darkening elements.”
When she returned to the UNGA in September 1976, it wasn’t only as the leader of Sri Lanka, but also as the Chair of the Non Aligned Movement. Here she spoke on behalf of two and a half billion people from 86 countries. Questioning the moral and rationale justification for wealth distribution and the insensitivity with which such irregularity was accepted Mrs Bandaranaike remarked that humanity which “has displayed so much ingenuity and brilliance in weaving an intricate fabric of technological and scientific achievement in so short a time in terms of [his] evolution, it should not be so difficult to respond to the call of humanity and justice.”
In March 1974 she championed the need for a World Fertilizer Fund while delivering the keynote address at the United Nations Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East, in Colombo. Having received support, a resolution, co-sponsored by Sri Lanka and New Zealand, was adopted, and the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) was tasked with its preparation. This resulted in the birth of the International Fertilizer Supply Scheme Fund four months later, which was to be a boost to agriculture based economies.
A few years later the Food and Agriculture Organisation awarded her the Ceres Medal in recognition of the contribution she made in the field of food self-sufficiency in Sri Lanka. In presenting the medal, named after the Roman goddess of agriculture, in May 1977 the Director General of FAO, Edouard Saouma said that he could “think of no one who, by her actions on behalf of the needy, is more worthy to represent all that is symbolized by Ceres.”
The International Labour Organisation (ILO) invited her as special guest in June 1975, for the special session of the ILO to mark International Women’s Year, and devoted it to the role of women in human progress. Mrs Bandaranaike used the platform to renew her commitment in working towards the progress of peace, justice and equality in the economic sphere. Identifying overarching issues and the need to overcome them, she outlined that “women’s rights, the creation of employment and human resources development, are all excellent ideals, but the pursuit of them in the absence of economic wherewithal, and the prospect of ultimate fulfillment would be both frustrating and self-defeating.”
A week later Mrs Bandaranaike was in Mexico to attend the World Conference on Women. Delivering the keynote address once again, at this UN Conference, Mrs Bandaranaike succinctly outlined the objective of the fight for women’s rights, and the struggle for equality. She remarked “We are not here only to demolish discrimination but to envision the benefits to the human race of integrating this forgotten half of humanity in development.”
Shuttle Diplomacy
Her international engagement wasn’t limited to the arena of multilateral organisations. It extended to the sphere of mediation among large players on the world stage. Mrs Bandaranaike’s mediation in 1962/3 is what modern day International Relations discourse describes as ‘shuttle diplomacy’. It is engaged upon by a third state when tension between two countries has risen to a heightened stance and they are unable to sit down and talk to each other. At the time of her mediation, the term had not been coined, yet the deed remains significant, as it was based on her initiative.
As tensions rose between India and China and a standoff was being experienced, Mrs. Bandaranaike, who had been in office for a little over two years, convened the Colombo Conference in December 1962, bringing together representation from Burma, Cambodia, Egypt, Ghana and Indonesia. Aimed at mediating and attempting to reach a possible solution to the conflict between the two Asian giants, she was successful in averting all out war, although the border issues remain a thorn in their bilateral relations.
On 8th January 1963, Mrs Bandaranaike visited China to apprise the Chinese Government on the outcome of the deliberations in Colombo. Conveying a positive response, Mao Tse Tung and Chou En Lai, expressed gratitude for her initiative and efforts to promote a peaceful settlement. The visit was a further opportunity to reaffirm the Bandung Principles, whereby it was agreed that ‘the application of these principles and the observance of the spirit of Bandung not only in so far as this problem was concerned but also in the case of all other problems which arose in this area, would assist in their expeditious and peaceful solution.’
Thereafter on 12th January 1963, the Ceylonese Prime Minister was in India, seeking the concurrence of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru for the Colombo proposals. He accepted the principles of the Colombo Conference in toto and thus conflict, tension and bloodshed were averted between the two large neighbours. On that occasion, Mrs Bandaranaike said “I think it is a lesson of history that war does not solve any question: it only provokes more problems.”
Her passionate stance against war, injustice and inequality, is clearly seen in her approach to multilateralism, and similarly in her bilateral relations with countries in the South Asian neighbourhood and across the world.
Asian Allies
Whilst Mrs Bandaranaike’s multilateral diplomacy earned her and the country numerous plaudits on the world stage, it was her bilateral engagement that proved the importance of personality, and interactions of leaders at the highest level. Before taking office, Mrs Bandaranaike had opportunities to interact with several world leaders while accompanying her husband to the UN, neighbouring countries and when world leaders arrived in Ceylon. The bonds of friendship built with these leaders would remain throughout her life, and were not limited to her times in power.
The Nehru family of India was very close to the Bandaranaikes from the 1940s onwards. S. W. R. Bandaranaike and Jawaharlal Nehru had known each other from the time the former was a minister in Ceylon and this particular friendship even changed the path of Ceylon’s foreign policy following his election in 1956.
In December 1960, the new Prime Minister was in New Delhi at the invitation of her Indian counterpart, commencing a long standing official connection with India. Mrs Bandaranaike in return invited Prime Minister Nehru to visit Ceylon in October 1962. The significance of the visit was its timing. Despite growing tension with China, he accepted the invitation, especially for the inauguration of the Bandaranaike Ayurveda Research Centre being named in memory of Prime Minister S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, whom he considered a close friend. He also addressed Parliament during his visit.
In October 1964, she was in India at the invitation of Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri. A crucial matter concerning the settlement of the citizenship status of almost a million person of Indian origin, who had been brought to work on the tea and rubber plantations, was addressed through the Sirima-Shastri Pact that was inked during this visit. It was decided that 525,000 persons of Indian origin would be repatriated to India while 300,000 would be granted Sri Lankan citizenship.
During her period in the Opposition from 1965 to 1970, Mrs Indira Gandhi had come to power, and was a guest in Sri Lanka in April 1973. The visit included an address to Parliament and the two Prime Ministers examined means through which they would settle several issues, chief among which were the resolution of citizenship of the remaining 150, 000 people of Indian origin in Sri Lanka, demarcation of the maritime boundary between the two countries and ownership of the island of Kachchativu. The following year the ownership of Kachchativu was resolved with India renouncing claim to its ownership while the demarcation of the maritime boundary in the Gulf of Mannar and the Bay of Bengal would be done in 1976. Seen as vital in the context of the United Nations Law of the Sea negotiations, these agreements aided Sri Lanka’s claim of resources in her territorial waters and on her seabed.
In January 1974, Mrs Bandaranaike and Yugoslav President Josep Tito were Chief Guests at India’s Republic Day ceremony. A historic occasion on which world leaders are invited to grace the Republic Day events with the President and Prime Minister of India, Mrs Bandaranaike was bestowed this rare honour during the premiership of Mrs Indira Gandhi.
Following her defeat in 1977, a Presidential Commission of Inquiry, found her guilty of abuse of power and her civic rights and parliamentary membership were removed in October 1980. This particular act caused grave concern for Mrs Gandhi. One of India’s envoys to Sri Lanka, J. N. Dixit wrote subsequently that ‘one of the main briefs as High Commissioner of India was to persuade Jayewardene to restore her (Mrs Bandaranaike’s) civil rights and to lift the ban on her participation in politics because India was convinced that with her wisdom, experience and great influence on Sri Lankan public opinion, she would contribute to resolving the complexities of Indo-Lanka relations….’ Mrs Bandaranaike was held in such high esteem in India that despite her emphasis that this particular ‘issue was an internal one which should be resolved internally and not through any external interference’, the matter was raised continuously until her rights were restored in January 1986.
The close affinity enjoyed by the two lady Prime Ministers for over three decades, came to an end in October 1984 when Mrs Gandhi was assassinated. Attending the funeral, Mrs Bandaranaike joined a large number of world leaders who arrived in New Delhi for the final rites which took place along the banks of the Ganges.
Mrs Bandaranaike, though known to have closely associated India and her leaders, always ensured that Sri Lanka’s position and prosperity were not questioned or infringed upon. From her impartial position in 1962 at the height of tension between India and China, to her strong stance on the repatriation of people of Indian origin, her unremitting position on the ownership of Kachchativu, as well as her opposition to the Indo-Lanka Accord, Mrs Bandaranaike never allowed her personal friendship to hinder Sri Lanka’s path, and instead used it for the betterment of the country.
Mrs Bandaranaike was able to nurture close ties with Pakistan during her tenures as well, with the President of Pakistan Field Marshal Muhammad Ayub Khan undertaking a visit in December 1963, followed the next year in September by her own visit to Islamabad, where she addressed a joint session of the Senate and National Assembly of Pakistan. This was a first by any Sri Lankan leader and considered a rare honour which has been bestowed on a very few leaders to date.
During her second term, Pakistani President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto visited Sri Lanka in December 1975 wherein he addressed the National State Assembly, becoming the second Pakistani leader to do so. He held extensive discussions with Mrs Bandaranaike on the situation in Pakistan, especially in the period after the break-up of the country and in light of the support Sri Lanka had extended Pakistan in permitting the refueling of civilian aircraft flying between East and West Pakistan.
Relations with China reached an all time high during Mrs Bandaranaike’s administrations, given the establishment of diplomatic relations with the Peoples Republic of China in 1957 by Prime Minister S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike and the historic visit of Premier Chou En-lai in the same year. Mrs Bandaranaike, who had met with Premier Chou once again during her mediation visit in 1963, invited him to Ceylon, an invitation he accepted in February 1964.
The visit saw Premier Chou offering a gift in the name of Prime Minister S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, in appreciation of his efforts in establishing and promoting diplomatic relations and as a symbol of friendship between the two countries. Mrs Bandaranaike requested an international conference hall, and in November 1970 worked commenced on the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall (BMICH). The early stages of construction saw Mrs Bandaranaike, her Cabinet Ministers, Members of Parliament, and a cross section of society participate in a shramadana-style process for its construction. The building, which was completed four months ahead of schedule, was designed in keeping with the country’s architectural designs, and declared open on 17th May 1973.
Vice Chairman of the State Council of China Marshal Hsu Hiang-Chien joined Prime Minister Bandaranaike and President William Gopallawa for the ceremony. Speaking at the inauguration Mrs Bandaranaike thanked China for “this outstanding gift” and hoped that the hall would be “an abiding embodiment of Prime Minister Solomon Bandaranaike’s faith in internationalism and the brotherhood of man, as well as the realization of a wish which was dear to his heart that Sri Lanka could someday serve as a meeting ground for nations of the world.” The BMICH stands as a monument to the strong friendship between Sri Lanka and China.
In June 1972, Mrs Bandaranaike undertook a State Visit to China, during which she met with Chinese leader Mao Tse tung, Premier Chou En-lai and senior leaders of the country. In her wide ranging discussions with her counterpart, Mrs Bandaranaike explained the Five Year Plan of her Government. In support of her efforts, the Chinese Government immediately provided Sri Lanka with a long-term loan free of interest. In the area of international relations, Mrs Bandaranaike stressed the proposal for declaring the Indian Ocean a Zone of Peace, a move that was widely supported by China.
Despite the Chinese leadership knowing the closeness enjoyed by the Bandaranaikes and the Nehru/Gandhi family in India, they still worked hard to build strong ties with Sri Lanka during the governments of Mrs Bandaranaike. As a leader of a small power in South Asia, the ability to be accepted in the capitals of India, China and Pakistan at the same time, and continuously, is undoubtedly a herculean task, but one that Mrs Bandaranaike achieved with great finesse and fortitude.
Cold War Engagement
As a founding member of the Non Aligned Movement and as a leader who led her country’s delegation to the first five NAM Summits, Mrs Bandaranaike wouldn’t be expected to have engaged deeply with either protagonist in the Cold War. Contrary to expectation, her interactions with both sides of the divide was extensive and reflected her ability to highlight international concerns, express joint stances of like-minded nations and also derive a suitable degree of leverage in favour of Sri Lanka.
In December 1961, with the introduction of the Disposals Policy by the United States of America, rubber prices were dropping globally owing to the release of natural rubber from the US stockpiles. Ceylon, as a rubber producing nation was directly affected, as were several other countries, and she wrote to President John F. Kennedy urging him to abandon the policy. She drew attention to the importance of the rubber industry to Ceylon and the serious consequences which the decline in rubber prices was having on the country’s economy.
President Kennedy noted thereafter that he was “fully aware of the seriousness of this situation for Ceylon, which depends heavily on its exports of rubber for foreign exchange earnings and for state revenues. I assure you that the United States will conduct its disposal sales of surplus rubber with great care and that we wish to take all possible steps to minimize any adverse effects which these sales may have on the world market.” President Kennedy brought about modifications to the disposal programme within three weeks.
In April 1962, Mrs Bandaranaike reacted to America’s testing of a nuclear device. Writing once again to President Kennedy, Mrs Bandaranaike claimed that “coming at a time when there is universal demand for the outlawing of these tests ad when the hopes of the world are centered on the current negotiations in Geneva, the resumption of these tests is a grave setback to peace and brings mankind once again to the brink of nuclear destruction.” She was forthright in her standpoint, informing the US President that “the neutralist nations like Ceylon, who are dedicated to the cause of disarmament and the banning of nuclear tests, are shocked at this disregard of their cumulative wishes.”
President Kennedy, in replying Mrs Bandaranaike, recalled her speech in Belgrade, “that every stage and phase of disarmament should be established by having an effective method of inspection and control over its operation and maintenance.” He added that “although there may be some differences between us as to what constitutes ‘effective’ inspection and control, I am heartened that we seem not to differ over the need for it.”
Mrs Bandaranaike’s decision in June 1963 to make the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation the sole importer and distributor of petroleum products in the country caused great consternation in Washington and London, as she nationalized oil companies. The decision came at a time when she was concerned about the lack of a satisfactory mechanism to conserve foreign exchange and to ensure an uninterrupted supply of oil. Her actions led to the invoking of the Hickenlooper amendment which restricted aid from the United States, but President Kennedy was keen to improve relations.
In that same month, notwithstanding the dampening of relations, she was instrumental in leading efforts at the United Nations in raising concern over the discrimination of Buddhists in South Vietnam. By mobilizing world opinion, Mrs Bandaranaike wrote to Indian Prime Minister Nehru, Burmese leader General Ne Win, Prime Minister of Laos Prince Souvanna Phouma, Cambodian leader Prince Sihanouk, Japanese Prime Minister Ikeda, Thai Prime Minister Thanarat and Nepalese King Mahendra and called on them to support diplomatic efforts in alleviating the suffering of Buddhists in Vietnam.
Her engagement in what may be termed ‘Buddhist Diplomacy’, saw her galvanizing support and appealing to President Kennedy once again to use his good offices with the Government of South Vietnam to ensure the granting of freedom of worship and religious equality for this community.
In July 1963, Mrs Bandaranaike welcomed the initialing of the Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty by Britain, the United States of America and the Soviet Union. Issuing a message on this occasion she stated that “this is indeed an important first step on the road to world peace. If the present Treaty, as we genuinely hope, could lead to a total ban on nuclear tests, it would indeed be hailed as the most significant act of peace since the Second World War.” “Ceylon,” she said was hopeful that “the present achievement of the three powers will usher a new era of international confidence and pave the way for even greater achievements towards general and complete disarmament.”
In November 1963, President John F. Kennedy was assassinated. Writing to Mrs Jacqueline Kennedy, Mrs Bandaranaike noted that “as a wife and a mother who herself lost her husband in such tragic circumstances, I know how you must feel in this hour of grief.” His passing ended a bond of friendship between the leaders of two vastly differing countries, yet remains testimony to the ability for leaders to share mutual respect for each other.
Upon her visit to New York in October 1971 to address the United Nations General Assembly, Mrs Bandaranaike undertook a private visit to Washington where she held bilateral discussions with President Richard Nixon in the Oval Office, and with Secretary of State William Rogers, in addition to being hosted by the US First Lady. President Nixon had a strong interest in Sri Lanka, having visited in November 1953, when serving as Vice President.
Deeply aware of the ramifications of engaging with a single super power during the Cold War, Mrs Bandaranaike undertook a state visit to Moscow in October 1963, with the aim of strengthening relations between the two countries and continuing the international efforts she had undertaken in the short span of three years since her election. As the first Sri Lankan Prime Minister to ever visit the Soviet Union, she held extensive discussions with Premier Nikita Khrushchev and was successful in negotiating the purchase of oil at a cheaper price as Ceylon would be buying in large quantities from the 01st of January 1964 when the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation would be responsible for complete distribution in Ceylon.
The visit which was labeled a ‘mission of Friendship’ was hailed by the Russians. Addressing a state function in Moscow, Mrs Bandaranaike noted that “it was when Mr Bandaranaike himself was planning to visit your country that his tragic assassination took place. I am happy that I have been able to fulfill a wish that we both shared – a visit to the Soviet Union.”
In November 1974, she was invited to the Soviet Union and Georgia, which saw her travelling to Tashkent, Moscow and Tbilisi. Meeting with Premier Kosygin and Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko, Mrs Bandaranaike’s visit strengthened relations with the Soviet Union, which had dispatched a special plane for the Prime Minister and her delegation to travel to and from Moscow.
Her interactions with the Soviet Union didn’t deter her from closely associating Yugoslav President Marshal Josep Broz Tito, who had visited Ceylon in January 1959 and was identified as a pillar of the Non-Aligned Movement, and with whom she had shared many international platforms. Their engagement throughout her terms of office consolidated relations between the two countries and resulted in a friendship that extended beyond her years in political office. During Mrs Bandaranaike’s illnesses, Marshal Tito had offered facilities in Yugoslavia for treatment. His death in May 1980 resulted in Mrs Bandaranaike flying to Belgrade to pay her last respects.
Global Outreach
Mrs Bandaranaike’s foreign policy included global outreach, across political ideologies, and was geared towards enhancing the prospects of the island nation. This dialogue was promoted with a cross section of countries from the different regions of the world and saw her meeting her counterparts often at the bilateral level, but also on the sidelines of multilateral fora.
With Ceylon being held in high esteem by the Egyptian people owing to the stand of the country during the tripartite aggression against Egypt in 1956, Mrs Bandaranaike was accorded a warm welcome by President Gamel Abdel Nasser and Prime Minister Ali Sabry during her visit in October 1963. Disarmament and tension in South Vietnam topped the agenda of her discussions which also resulted in the United Arab Republic (UAR) agreeing to purchase a higher quota of tea from Ceylon. Egypt, which had been joined to Syria to form the United Arab Republic, had played a key role with Ceylon at the height of the Sino-Indian border dispute and exerted tremendous effort to avoid an outbreak of war.
Following the death of President Nasser in September 1970 Mrs Bandaranaike attended his funeral and also marked his passing in Ceylon with the declaration of two days of national mourning for a leader who had come to the rescue of the island at a time when an oil shortage was experienced. His immediate dispatching of vessels was an act for which Mrs Bandaranaike remained ever grateful.
In April 1975, Mrs Bandaranaike visited Iraq for four days. The visit came at a time when the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) was sharply increasing oil prices and countries like Sri Lanka were feeling the direct impact of such changes. During discussions with Vice President Saddam Hussein, Mrs Bandaranaike was able to comprehensively explain the damage being done to developing countries. Finally Iraq decided to supply 250, 000 tonnes of oil on a four year deferred payment scheme at a very low rate of interest, which was a welcome move.
Vehemently opposed to apartheid in South Africa, Mrs Bandaranaike, speaking in the Senate in January 1964 noted that “we have subscribed to the imposition of economic sanctions against South Africa, although we have said that for such sanctions to be effective all nations of the world must unite in the applying of these sanctions and it would be futile for small countries such as ours to seek to impose such sanctions unilaterally merely as a gesture but without effect.”
Extending her support to Nelson Mandela and his struggle to free South Africa from Apartheid, Mrs Bandaranaike, who although never meeting Mandela himself, raised concern on several occasions in international fora. Following Mandela’s release from prison, he would frequently recall Mrs Bandaranaike’s support for his long and arduous battle and the support received from Sri Lanka, noting with appreciation the letters of support she had sent him while he was imprisoned.
In January 1975, Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda with whom Mrs Bandaranaike had interacted at several international fora undertook a visit to Sri Lanka, at a time when preparations were being made for the Non Aligned Movement summit.
With Canada and Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, she enjoyed a close friendship which extended to his family. Undertaking a four day visit to Ceylon in January 1971, Prime Minister Trudeau acknowledged the high regard with which he held Ceylon in the Commonwealth, as a country that accommodated two languages and four religions which was an example for Quebec and Canada. Mrs Bandaranaike reciprocated the visit in October that year.
In Mexico in June 1975, she held discussions with President Luis Echeverría Álvarez and senior Ministers in his Government, and was able to secure Mexico’s agreement to purchase a larger quantity of cinnamon. Her visit was followed in quick succession by the visit of President Álvarez to Sri Lanka.
In October 1963, Mrs Bandaranaike was in Czechoslovakia for interactions with Prime Minister Jozef Lenart and President Antonin Novotny, as well as in Poland meeting Prime Minister Josef Cyrankiewcz, where she was feted, especially by the Polish Women’s League which drew inspiration from her achievements.
In December 1970, she received Pope Paul VI who undertook a short visit to Sri Lanka. She was in the Vatican in September 1973 during which she had a private audience with the Pope at Castel Gandolfo.
Undertaking a four day official visit to the United Kingdom in October 1971, Mrs Bandaranaike, who was the guest of Prime Minister Edward Heath, appreciated the support extended by the UK earlier that year in tackling the youth uprising in Ceylon. In addition to meeting the Queen, the Prime Minister and the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Sir Alec Douglas-Home, she also discussed the implications for Ceylon if Britain joined the European Economic Community when she met the Chief British Common Market Negotiator, Geoffrey Rippon.
Mrs Bandaranaike undertook a visit to West Germany at the invitation of Chancellor Helmut Schmidt in September 1974, where the energy crisis evolving in the world and its impact on developing countries was the focus of discussion.
In October 1976, Mrs Bandaranaike was in Oslo, where she met with her counterpart Odvar Nordli who welcomed the effort made by her in international affairs, noting the Non-Aligned Movement and the role Sri Lanka had played in the Law of the Sea Conference, chaired by Ambassador Shirley Amerasinghe.
Embarking on an East Asian tour, Mrs Bandaranaike visited Jakarta in January 1976 for deliberations with Indonesian President Suharto, then flew to Bangkok, where she was the guest of Prime Minister Kukrit Pramojand and also met with King Bhumibol Adulyadej and Queen Sirikit. In Rangoon on the final leg of the tour, she was hosted by the Prime Minister, Brigadier General Sein Win, and President of Burma, General Ne Win. During her visit, Mrs Bandaranaike also met with Burmese politician and diplomat, Khin Kyi, who was the spouse of the assassinated Burmese leader Aung San and mother of Aung San Suu Kyi.
Covering other East Asian countries later that year, Mrs Bandaranaike was a guest of Prime Minister Datuk Hussein Onn and Deputy Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamed. They expressed appreciation on behalf of the Government of Malaysia for the permission granted for a hijacked plane from Kuala Lumpur to refuel in Colombo. She was also received by the King, Sultan Yahya Petra. Thereafter Mrs Bandaranaike visited Manila as a guest of President Ferdinand and Mrs Imelda Marcos, before leaving for Tokyo, where Mrs Bandaranaike held talks with her Japanese counterpart Takeo Miki resulting in Japan pledging increased grant and project aid. In addition to visiting Mikimoto Pearl Island and the city of Kyoto, Mrs Bandaranaike was also hosted by Emperor Hirohito and Empress Kojun.
The enormity of the task was confounded when realizing that Mrs Sirimavo Bandaranaike served not only as Prime Minister but also as Minister of External Affair and Defence during her terms from 1960 to 1965 and 1970 to 1977. It is also understood that stalwarts within the political and bureaucratic frameworks in Sri Lanka greatly aided her in the formulation and implementation of foreign policy. Felix Dias Bandaranaike from the political milieu, with W. T. Jayasinghe, Dr Vernon L. B. Mendis, and N. Q. Dias among many others, as well as Bradman Weerakoon and M. D. D. Peiris, played monumental roles in assisting the Prime Minister.
Her enthusiasm in foreign policy and international relations saw the inauguration of the Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies (BCIS) in December 1974 and the Bandaranaike International Diplomatic Training Institute (BIDTI) in September 1995. The two institutions remain an embodiment of her contribution to the world of international relations and diplomacy to this date, with a great number eager to delve into the world at large, walking through their doors daily.
Mrs Bandaranaike was the first woman Prime Minister in the world and a Sri Lankan stateswoman who made a significant contribution to the realm of global affairs. She blazed a trail that few have attempted to follow. Irrespective of the nature of political belief, support or preference, the 60th anniversary of her election is a poignant reminder that a Sri Lankan overcame immense challenges, and achieved much in the international arena for her country and its people, and that Sri Lankan was Sirimavo Ratwatte Dias Bandaranaike.
