Reflections on the 60th anniversary of the
election of the world’s first woman Prime Minister
by George I. H. Cooke
History is replete with women who led their countries
in varied capacities, either as royalty or revolutionaries. Yet it wasn’t until
July 1960, that the democratic process saw the election of the world’s first
woman Prime Minister to lead a country which had gained independence a little
over a decade before. Ceylon shone internationally as Sirimavo Ratwatte Dias
Bandaranaike took the oath of office, as a country and Prime Minister
challenged the conventional norm at a time when women were not at the helm of
political parties or governments. It was a progressive step given its origin in
the East, in a developing country.
The foreign policy of Sirimavo Bandaranaike has been
closely connected with that of her husband, but close examination of her
tenure, indicates that she, in her own right, was instrumental in securing an
advantageous position for the country she led, in the international community.
Her foreign policy, and the manner in which she advocated, formulated and
implemented it, deserves due reflection at this landmark juncture, as Sri Lanka
prepares for another General Election.
Debate prevails over decisions made during her tenure
in the 1960s and once again in the 1970s. During these periods she retained
powers of governance in her office as Prime Minister which was not so during
her third term from 1994 to 2000 as an Executive Presidency had been
introduced. The foreign policy decisions that were made resulted in several
unique developments that aided the country in several arenas, while some decisions
are construed to have been detrimental.
Irrespective of the nature of the debate and its
diversity, the prevalence of it is indicative that initiatives were taken,
policies formulated, processes of implementation used, and results reaped
during her years in office. As a Sri Lankan she broke gender barriers, overcame
challenging national situations, advocated non-alignment and implemented it,
and left an indelible mark in history.
Of equal importance is the manner in which she
formulated policy, the key individuals around her assisting in that process,
the mechanisms she used to implement such policies as well as the countries and
organisations that she worked with as Prime Minister. In retrospect, it was her
personality, policy and the people she worked with which could be collectively
identified as astute factors that augured well for Sri Lanka.
Through the Non-Aligned Movement, the Commonwealth and
United Nations, she was influential in the multilateral arena. Her actions in
mediating between India and China led to the reduction in hostilities. The term
‘shuttle diplomacy’ although not coined in the early 1960s, would best describe
what she engaged in, as a relatively new player on the world stage.
In her bilateral relations, she maintained the friendliest
relations with India, while also working extremely closely with China and
Pakistan. Despite her stance in the Cold War, she corresponded regularly with
US Presidents concerning international issues and took the lead in soliciting
their support. Equally determined to continue good relations with the Soviet
Union, she even undertook a state visit to Moscow and several other countries
east of the divide. Having made lifelong friends among the leaders across the
world, from Canada, to Egypt, and Iraq to Yugoslavia, to name just a few, the
personal friendship she exercised with statesmen and women, would stand Sri
Lanka in good stead at critical times.
It is prudent on this anniversary to reflect upon key
developments, numerous though they may be, of a leader, who strode the world
stage with aplomb and ensured that the island of Sri Lanka was internationally
recognised once again.
Leadership at a young age
At different stages of her life she had been exposed
to leadership, and 1960 wasn’t the first occasion that she had been called upon
to lead. Growing up she was the eldest child of Barnes Ratwatte Dissawa, who
was the Rate Mahaththaya and hence actively involved in governance,
while her mother, Rosalind Mahawalatenna Kumarihamy was a renowned ayurvedic
physician. This meant that the young girl took on a position of leadership
among her siblings at a very young age as both parents served the community at
large.
A Girl Guide during her schooling career, she
subsequently married Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike who was the
Minister of Health and Local Government in 1940, and actively involved herself
in social service, especially though the Lanka Mahila Samithi. She witnessed
power, politics and personalities from a ringside seat for the next two decades,
as her husband held many different positions. As Mr Bandaranaike progressed
from being a Minister, to Opposition Leader and finally to the exalted position
of Prime Minister, it was Sirimavo Bandaranaike who remained at his side and as
witnessed the triumphs and travails of leadership and power.
It was his assassination in 1959, and the months
thereafter that resulted in her entry into active politics and finally saw her
being called upon to be sworn in as Prime Minister, as the party she led, the
Sri Lanka Freedom Party, won the general election in July 1960. She brought
stability to the office, as the preceding months had seen two other Prime
Ministers holding office for brief periods following the assassination.
The Non Aligned Movement
Coming to the helm of a country when the Cold War was
raging, the new Prime Minister was determined to ensure that Ceylon was not
drawn into the rapacious race which had divided the global community. Whilst
Ceylon had been associated with the concept of non-alignment from before
independence, and Sir John Kotelawala had convened the Colombo Conference in
1954, and started the journey to Bandung the next year, it took until September
1961, for the Non Aligned Movement to be formally launched.
Sirimavo Bandaranaike played a role which made her
renowned in the Movement, leading the national delegation to the first five
Summits, in 1961, 1964, 1970, 1973, and in 1976 when she hosted the leaders of
the Non-Aligned world at their fifth Summit in Colombo.
Addressing the first Non Aligned Movement Summit in
Belgrade in Yugoslavia, Mrs Bandaranaike expressed her happiness “to attend
this great conference not only as a representative of my country but also as a
woman and a mother who can understand the thoughts and feelings of those
millions of women.” An issue that she championed on consecutive occasions was
the need to secure zones free of nuclear weapons. In 1961, she cautioned that
“our endeavour should be to influence world opinion to such an extent that
governments, however powerful, cannot regard warfare as an alternative to
negotiation.”
Similarly at the second Summit in Cairo in Egypt she
stressed that “the idea of non-alignment arose out of our determination to be
free of involvement with power blocs. With the changes that have occurred in
the relations between the great powers…it is true that the definition and
function of non-alignment needs re-examination.” As a result of her initiative,
the Cairo Conference adopted two resolutions, which called for the establishment
of zones free of nuclear weapons covering the oceans of the world, and a total
condemnation of the big powers’ efforts to establish and maintain bases in the
Indian Ocean. The Cairo Declaration was thereafter endorsed as a cornerstone of
Ceylon’s foreign policy.
In the second half of the 1960s when she was in the
opposition, there was no NAM Summit, and upon her re-election in 1970, she led
the Ceylon delegation once again to Lusaka in Zambia for the third session of
the grouping. Highlighting that caution alone doesn’t result in sound policies,
she noted that “the small developing countries like mine which seek to follow a
non-aligned policy are subjected to many pressures, threats and trials. But
there is no question that non-alignment and friendship to all countries is the
best policy for newly developing countries. The size of our own conference
today proves that half of the world has come to understand and value
non-alignment as a positive force in international politics.”
At this Summit, two proposals from Ceylon were adopted
which called for the Zones of Peace to be closed to Great Power rivalry and
conflict, and that the Indian Ocean should be declared a Peace Zone. She was
very keen on hosting the Non Aligned leaders in Ceylon and in 1972 at the NAM
Foreign Ministers Meeting in Georgetown, Guyana, she offered to host an
upcoming summit, and this was awarded accordingly, with the 1976 Summit held in
Colombo.
In the Algerian capital of Algiers for the 4th
NAM Summit Mrs Bandaranaike was instrumental in supporting efforts of the
Movement to tread a new path in bringing economic development onto the agenda
of NAM. With the Economic Declaration and the Action Programme for Economic
Co-operation being adopted, it became evident that the Movement was focused on
making a significant difference in the lives of the people it represented by
addressing basic needs and improving standards.
When the NAM came to Sri Lanka in August 1976, Mrs
Bandaranaike was determined to steer the grouping along a path of economic
development whilst emphasizing the need for collective economic self-reliance.
This was to reduce the gap between the developed and developing countries
through a ‘New International Economic Order’. The Summit in Colombo was seen as
a crowning moment in her foreign policy, as the Movement wasn’t just another
grouping, or one which didn’t make an impact. From its inception, right through
the 60s and 70s NAM remained a critical and crucial grouping, which was the
only solace for countries that didn’t want to be engulfed by the opponents of
the Cold War.
Ironically the impact of NAM on the Cold War, on Sri
Lanka, and the role played by leaders such as Mrs Bandaranaike, among many
others internationally, who were identified as stalwarts of the Movement,
hasn’t received due recognition or research.
The Commonwealth
After occupying a seat in the Senate or Upper House of
Parliament on 5th August 1960, Prime Minister Bandaranaike tasked
herself with due emphasis on domestic policy. Her first official multilateral
engagement was in London at the Commonwealth Prime Ministers Conference in
March 1961 when Harold Mcmillan was Prime Minister. It was the first
Commonwealth Conference at which a woman Head of Government participated. Although
the Queen presided over the opening of the sessions, she did not join the
deliberations of what was widely regarded as a gentlemen’s club. It wasn’t
until May 1979 that the United Kingdom accomplished the task of electing a
woman Prime Minister, when Margaret Thatcher entered Downing Street. Other
Commonwealth members, notably India, saw Indira Gandhi take on the mantle of
leadership in January 1966.
Mrs Bandaranaike once again led the Ceylon delegation
to the 13th Commonwealth Prime Minister’s Conference in July 1963 in
London hosted by Prime Minister Sir Alec Douglas-Home. Once the nomenclature
changed to the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting, she attended the first
session in Singapore in January 1971 when it was led by Prime Minister Lee Kwan
Yew. He too had undertaken a visit to Ceylon at the initial stage of her second
term in August 1970, when Colombo was the first stop on his world tour.
In April 1975, Mrs Bandaranaike attended the third
Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in Jamaica, hosted by Prime Minister
Michael Manley, at which attention was predominantly focused on the Vietnam
War. She understood the relevance of working with the Commonwealth and its
member states, especially through the strong bonds of friendship she built with
leaders of the grouping, which enriched her bilateral relations.
The United Nations
The United Nations and its system was not a new arena
for Mrs Bandaranaike. She first accompanied her husband who was Prime Minister
in 1956 when he addressed the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) for the
first time after Ceylon had been admitted in December of the previous year.
During her first term in office from 1960 to 1965 it had been Sir Claude Corea,
Felix Dias Bandaranaike, G. P. Malalasekera and R. S. S. Gunewardene who had
participated.
In the second year of her second term, Mrs
Bandaranaike raised an issue of growing concern during her first address to the
UNGA. She reiterated a call she had made repeatedly, in urging world peace
through a nuclear free world, and noted that “the global implications of the
proposal (declaring peace zones) require that it should receive universal
acceptance and be fitted into the larger design of world peace and security and
of general and complete disarmament.”
Her belief in the United Nations and its ability to
play a monumental role was highlighted, when she further observed that “we have
the Charter and a formidable body of international law, including declarations
and resolutions, to illumine our path towards those goals. It is in our minds
alone that darkness still exists, a darkness created by fear, hatred and
suspicion. Our problem is to rid our minds of those darkening elements.”
When she returned to the UNGA in September 1976, it
wasn’t only as the leader of Sri Lanka, but also as the Chair of the Non
Aligned Movement. Here she spoke on behalf of two and a half billion people
from 86 countries. Questioning the moral and rationale justification for wealth
distribution and the insensitivity with which such irregularity was accepted
Mrs Bandaranaike remarked that humanity which “has displayed so much ingenuity
and brilliance in weaving an intricate fabric of technological and scientific
achievement in so short a time in terms of [his] evolution, it should not be so
difficult to respond to the call of humanity and justice.”
In March 1974 she championed the need for a World
Fertilizer Fund while delivering the keynote address at the United Nations
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East, in Colombo. Having received
support, a resolution, co-sponsored by Sri Lanka and New Zealand, was adopted,
and the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) was tasked with its
preparation. This resulted in the birth of the International Fertilizer Supply
Scheme Fund four months later, which was to be a boost to agriculture based
economies.
A few years later the Food and Agriculture
Organisation awarded her the Ceres Medal in recognition of the contribution she
made in the field of food self-sufficiency in Sri Lanka. In presenting the
medal, named after the Roman goddess of agriculture, in May 1977 the Director
General of FAO, Edouard Saouma said that he could “think of no one who, by her
actions on behalf of the needy, is more worthy to represent all that is
symbolized by Ceres.”
The International Labour Organisation (ILO) invited
her as special guest in June 1975, for the special session of the ILO to mark
International Women’s Year, and devoted it to the role of women in human
progress. Mrs Bandaranaike used the platform to renew her commitment in working
towards the progress of peace, justice and equality in the economic sphere.
Identifying overarching issues and the need to overcome them, she outlined that
“women’s rights, the creation of employment and human resources development,
are all excellent ideals, but the pursuit of them in the absence of economic
wherewithal, and the prospect of ultimate fulfillment would be both frustrating
and self-defeating.”
A week later Mrs Bandaranaike was in Mexico to attend
the World Conference on Women. Delivering the keynote address once again, at
this UN Conference, Mrs Bandaranaike succinctly outlined the objective of the
fight for women’s rights, and the struggle for equality. She remarked “We are
not here only to demolish discrimination but to envision the benefits to the
human race of integrating this forgotten half of humanity in development.”
Shuttle Diplomacy
Her international engagement wasn’t limited to the
arena of multilateral organisations. It extended to the sphere of mediation among
large players on the world stage. Mrs Bandaranaike’s mediation in 1962/3 is
what modern day International Relations discourse describes as ‘shuttle
diplomacy’. It is engaged upon by a third state when tension between two
countries has risen to a heightened stance and they are unable to sit down and
talk to each other. At the time of her mediation, the term had not been coined,
yet the deed remains significant, as it was based on her initiative.
As tensions rose between India and China and a
standoff was being experienced, Mrs. Bandaranaike, who had been in office for a
little over two years, convened the Colombo Conference in December 1962,
bringing together representation from Burma, Cambodia, Egypt, Ghana and
Indonesia. Aimed at mediating and attempting to reach a possible solution to
the conflict between the two Asian giants, she was successful in averting all
out war, although the border issues remain a thorn in their bilateral
relations.
On 8th January 1963, Mrs Bandaranaike
visited China to apprise the Chinese Government on the outcome of the
deliberations in Colombo. Conveying a positive response, Mao Tse Tung and Chou
En Lai, expressed gratitude for her initiative and efforts to promote a
peaceful settlement. The visit was a further opportunity to reaffirm the
Bandung Principles, whereby it was agreed that ‘the application of these
principles and the observance of the spirit of Bandung not only in so far as
this problem was concerned but also in the case of all other problems which
arose in this area, would assist in their expeditious and peaceful solution.’
Thereafter on 12th January 1963, the
Ceylonese Prime Minister was in India, seeking the concurrence of Prime
Minister Jawaharlal Nehru for the Colombo proposals. He accepted the principles
of the Colombo Conference in toto and thus conflict, tension and bloodshed were
averted between the two large neighbours. On that occasion, Mrs Bandaranaike
said “I think it is a lesson of history that war does not solve any question:
it only provokes more problems.”
Her passionate stance against war, injustice and
inequality, is clearly seen in her approach to multilateralism, and similarly
in her bilateral relations with countries in the South Asian neighbourhood and
across the world.
Asian Allies
Whilst Mrs Bandaranaike’s multilateral diplomacy
earned her and the country numerous plaudits on the world stage, it was her
bilateral engagement that proved the importance of personality, and
interactions of leaders at the highest level. Before taking office, Mrs Bandaranaike
had opportunities to interact with several world leaders while accompanying her
husband to the UN, neighbouring countries and when world leaders arrived in
Ceylon. The bonds of friendship built with these leaders would remain
throughout her life, and were not limited to her times in power.
The Nehru family of India was very close to the
Bandaranaikes from the 1940s onwards. S. W. R. Bandaranaike and Jawaharlal
Nehru had known each other from the time the former was a minister in Ceylon
and this particular friendship even changed the path of Ceylon’s foreign policy
following his election in 1956.
In December 1960, the new Prime Minister was in New
Delhi at the invitation of her Indian counterpart, commencing a long standing
official connection with India. Mrs Bandaranaike in return invited Prime
Minister Nehru to visit Ceylon in October 1962. The significance of the visit
was its timing. Despite growing tension with China, he accepted the invitation,
especially for the inauguration of the Bandaranaike Ayurveda Research Centre
being named in memory of Prime Minister S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, whom he
considered a close friend. He also addressed Parliament during his visit.
In October 1964, she was in India at
the invitation of Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri. A crucial matter
concerning the settlement of the citizenship status of almost a million person
of Indian origin, who had been brought to work on the tea and rubber
plantations, was addressed through the Sirima-Shastri Pact that was inked
during this visit. It was decided that 525,000 persons of Indian origin would
be repatriated to India while 300,000 would be granted Sri Lankan citizenship.
During her period in the Opposition from 1965 to 1970,
Mrs Indira Gandhi had come to power, and was a guest in Sri Lanka in April
1973. The visit included an address to Parliament and the two Prime Ministers
examined means through which they would settle several issues, chief among
which were the resolution of citizenship of the remaining 150, 000 people of
Indian origin in Sri Lanka, demarcation of the maritime boundary between the
two countries and ownership of the island of Kachchativu. The following year
the ownership of Kachchativu was resolved with India renouncing claim to its
ownership while the demarcation of the maritime boundary in the Gulf of Mannar
and the Bay of Bengal would be done in 1976. Seen
as vital in the context of the United Nations Law of the Sea negotiations,
these agreements aided Sri Lanka’s claim of resources in her territorial waters
and on her seabed.
In January 1974, Mrs Bandaranaike and Yugoslav
President Josep Tito were Chief Guests at India’s Republic Day ceremony. A
historic occasion on which world leaders are invited to grace the Republic Day
events with the President and Prime Minister of India, Mrs Bandaranaike was
bestowed this rare honour during the premiership of Mrs Indira Gandhi.
Following her defeat in 1977, a Presidential Commission of
Inquiry, found her guilty of abuse of power and her civic rights and
parliamentary membership were removed in October 1980. This particular act
caused grave concern for Mrs Gandhi. One of India’s envoys to Sri
Lanka, J. N. Dixit wrote subsequently that ‘one of the main briefs as High Commissioner
of India was to persuade Jayewardene to restore her (Mrs Bandaranaike’s) civil
rights and to lift the ban on her participation in politics because India was
convinced that with her wisdom, experience and great influence on Sri Lankan
public opinion, she would contribute to resolving the complexities of
Indo-Lanka relations….’ Mrs Bandaranaike was held in such high esteem in India
that despite her emphasis that this particular ‘issue was an internal one which
should be resolved internally and not through any external interference’, the
matter was raised continuously until her rights were restored in January 1986.
The close affinity enjoyed by the two lady Prime
Ministers for over three decades, came to an end in October 1984 when Mrs
Gandhi was assassinated. Attending the funeral, Mrs Bandaranaike joined a large
number of world leaders who arrived in New Delhi for the final rites which took
place along the banks of the Ganges.
Mrs Bandaranaike, though known to have closely
associated India and her leaders, always ensured that Sri Lanka’s position and
prosperity were not questioned or infringed upon. From her impartial position
in 1962 at the height of tension between India and China, to her strong stance
on the repatriation of people of Indian origin, her unremitting position on the
ownership of Kachchativu, as well as her opposition to the Indo-Lanka Accord,
Mrs Bandaranaike never allowed her personal friendship to hinder Sri Lanka’s
path, and instead used it for the betterment of the country.
Mrs Bandaranaike was able to nurture close ties with
Pakistan during her tenures as well, with the President of Pakistan Field
Marshal Muhammad Ayub Khan undertaking a visit in December 1963, followed the
next year in September by her own visit to Islamabad, where she addressed a
joint session of the Senate and National Assembly of Pakistan. This was a first
by any Sri Lankan leader and considered a rare honour which has been bestowed
on a very few leaders to date.
During her second term, Pakistani President Zulfikar
Ali Bhutto visited Sri Lanka in December 1975 wherein he addressed the National
State Assembly, becoming the second Pakistani leader to do so. He held
extensive discussions with Mrs Bandaranaike on the situation in Pakistan,
especially in the period after the break-up of the country and in light of the
support Sri Lanka had extended Pakistan in permitting the refueling of civilian
aircraft flying between East and West Pakistan.
Relations with China reached an all time high during
Mrs Bandaranaike’s administrations, given the establishment of diplomatic
relations with the Peoples Republic of China in 1957 by Prime Minister S. W. R.
D. Bandaranaike and the historic visit of Premier Chou En-lai in the same year.
Mrs Bandaranaike, who had met with Premier Chou once again during her mediation
visit in 1963, invited him to Ceylon, an invitation he accepted in February
1964.
The visit saw Premier Chou offering a gift in the name
of Prime Minister S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, in appreciation of his efforts in
establishing and promoting diplomatic relations and as a symbol of friendship
between the two countries. Mrs Bandaranaike requested an international
conference hall, and in November 1970 worked commenced on the Bandaranaike
Memorial International Conference Hall (BMICH). The early stages of
construction saw Mrs Bandaranaike, her Cabinet Ministers, Members of
Parliament, and a cross section of society participate in a shramadana-style
process for its construction. The building, which was completed four months
ahead of schedule, was designed in keeping with the country’s architectural
designs, and declared open on 17th May 1973.
Vice Chairman of the State Council of China Marshal
Hsu Hiang-Chien joined Prime Minister Bandaranaike and President William Gopallawa
for the ceremony. Speaking at the inauguration Mrs Bandaranaike thanked China
for “this outstanding gift” and hoped that the hall would be “an abiding
embodiment of Prime Minister Solomon Bandaranaike’s faith in internationalism
and the brotherhood of man, as well as the realization of a wish which was dear
to his heart that Sri Lanka could someday serve as a meeting ground for nations
of the world.” The BMICH stands as a monument to the strong friendship between
Sri Lanka and China.
In June 1972, Mrs Bandaranaike undertook a State Visit
to China, during which she met with Chinese leader Mao Tse tung, Premier Chou
En-lai and senior leaders of the country. In her wide ranging discussions with
her counterpart, Mrs Bandaranaike explained the Five Year Plan of her
Government. In support of her efforts, the Chinese Government immediately
provided Sri Lanka with a long-term loan free of interest. In the area of
international relations, Mrs Bandaranaike stressed the proposal for declaring
the Indian Ocean a Zone of Peace, a move that was widely supported by China.
Despite the Chinese leadership knowing the closeness
enjoyed by the Bandaranaikes and the Nehru/Gandhi family in India, they still
worked hard to build strong ties with Sri Lanka during the governments of Mrs
Bandaranaike. As a leader of a small power in South Asia, the ability to be
accepted in the capitals of India, China and Pakistan at the same time, and
continuously, is undoubtedly a herculean task, but one that Mrs Bandaranaike
achieved with great finesse and fortitude.
Cold War Engagement
As a founding member of the Non Aligned Movement and
as a leader who led her country’s delegation to the first five NAM Summits, Mrs
Bandaranaike wouldn’t be expected to have engaged deeply with either protagonist
in the Cold War. Contrary to expectation, her interactions with both sides of
the divide was extensive and reflected her ability to highlight international
concerns, express joint stances of like-minded nations and also derive a
suitable degree of leverage in favour of Sri Lanka.
In December 1961, with the introduction of the
Disposals Policy by the United States of America, rubber prices were dropping
globally owing to the release of natural rubber from the US stockpiles. Ceylon,
as a rubber producing nation was directly affected, as were several other
countries, and she wrote to President John F. Kennedy urging him to abandon the
policy. She drew attention to the importance of the rubber industry to Ceylon
and the serious consequences which the decline in rubber prices was having on
the country’s economy.
President Kennedy noted thereafter that he was “fully
aware of the seriousness of this situation for Ceylon, which depends heavily on
its exports of rubber for foreign exchange earnings and for state revenues. I
assure you that the United States will conduct its disposal sales of surplus
rubber with great care and that we wish to take all possible steps to minimize
any adverse effects which these sales may have on the world market.” President
Kennedy brought about modifications to the disposal programme within three
weeks.
In April 1962, Mrs Bandaranaike reacted to America’s
testing of a nuclear device. Writing once again to President Kennedy, Mrs
Bandaranaike claimed that “coming at a time when there is universal demand for
the outlawing of these tests ad when the hopes of the world are centered on the
current negotiations in Geneva, the resumption of these tests is a grave
setback to peace and brings mankind once again to the brink of nuclear destruction.”
She was forthright in her standpoint, informing the US President that “the
neutralist nations like Ceylon, who are dedicated to the cause of disarmament
and the banning of nuclear tests, are shocked at this disregard of their
cumulative wishes.”
President Kennedy, in replying Mrs Bandaranaike,
recalled her speech in Belgrade, “that every stage and phase of disarmament
should be established by having an effective method of inspection and control
over its operation and maintenance.” He added that “although there may be some
differences between us as to what constitutes ‘effective’ inspection and
control, I am heartened that we seem not to differ over the need for it.”
Mrs Bandaranaike’s decision in June 1963 to make the
Ceylon Petroleum Corporation the sole importer and distributor of petroleum
products in the country caused great consternation in Washington and London, as
she nationalized oil companies. The decision came at a time when she was
concerned about the lack of a satisfactory mechanism to conserve foreign
exchange and to ensure an uninterrupted supply of oil. Her actions led to the
invoking of the Hickenlooper amendment which restricted aid from the United
States, but President Kennedy was keen to improve relations.
In that same month, notwithstanding the dampening of
relations, she was instrumental in leading efforts at the United Nations in
raising concern over the discrimination of Buddhists in South Vietnam. By
mobilizing world opinion, Mrs Bandaranaike wrote to Indian Prime Minister Nehru,
Burmese leader General Ne Win, Prime Minister of Laos Prince Souvanna Phouma,
Cambodian leader Prince Sihanouk, Japanese Prime Minister Ikeda, Thai Prime
Minister Thanarat and Nepalese King Mahendra and called on them to support
diplomatic efforts in alleviating the suffering of Buddhists in Vietnam.
Her engagement in what may be termed ‘Buddhist
Diplomacy’, saw her galvanizing support and appealing to President Kennedy once
again to use his good offices with the Government of South Vietnam to ensure
the granting of freedom of worship and religious equality for this
community.
In July 1963, Mrs Bandaranaike welcomed the initialing
of the Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty by Britain, the United States of America and the
Soviet Union. Issuing a message on this occasion she stated that “this is
indeed an important first step on the road to world peace. If the present
Treaty, as we genuinely hope, could lead to a total ban on nuclear tests, it
would indeed be hailed as the most significant act of peace since the Second
World War.” “Ceylon,” she said was hopeful that “the present achievement of the
three powers will usher a new era of international confidence and pave the way
for even greater achievements towards general and complete disarmament.”
In November 1963, President John F. Kennedy was
assassinated. Writing to Mrs Jacqueline Kennedy, Mrs Bandaranaike noted that
“as a wife and a mother who herself lost her husband in such tragic
circumstances, I know how you must feel in this hour of grief.” His passing ended
a bond of friendship between the leaders of two vastly differing countries, yet
remains testimony to the ability for leaders to share mutual respect for each
other.
Upon her visit to New York in October 1971 to address
the United Nations General Assembly, Mrs Bandaranaike undertook a private visit
to Washington where she held bilateral discussions with President Richard Nixon
in the Oval Office, and with Secretary of State William Rogers, in addition to
being hosted by the US First Lady. President Nixon had a strong interest in Sri
Lanka, having visited in November 1953, when serving as Vice President.
Deeply aware of the ramifications of engaging with a
single super power during the Cold War, Mrs Bandaranaike undertook a state
visit to Moscow in October 1963, with the aim of strengthening relations
between the two countries and continuing the international efforts she had
undertaken in the short span of three years since her election. As the first
Sri Lankan Prime Minister to ever visit the Soviet Union, she held extensive
discussions with Premier Nikita Khrushchev and was successful in negotiating
the purchase of oil at a cheaper price as Ceylon would be buying in large
quantities from the 01st of January 1964 when the Ceylon Petroleum
Corporation would be responsible for complete distribution in Ceylon.
The visit which was labeled a ‘mission of Friendship’
was hailed by the Russians. Addressing a state function in Moscow, Mrs
Bandaranaike noted that “it was when Mr Bandaranaike himself was planning to
visit your country that his tragic assassination took place. I am happy that I
have been able to fulfill a wish that we both shared – a visit to the Soviet
Union.”
In November 1974, she was invited to the Soviet Union
and Georgia, which saw her travelling to Tashkent, Moscow and Tbilisi. Meeting
with Premier Kosygin and Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko, Mrs Bandaranaike’s
visit strengthened relations with the Soviet Union, which had dispatched a
special plane for the Prime Minister and her delegation to travel to and from
Moscow.
Her interactions with the Soviet Union didn’t deter
her from closely associating Yugoslav President Marshal Josep Broz Tito, who
had visited Ceylon in January 1959 and was identified as a pillar of the
Non-Aligned Movement, and with whom she had shared many international
platforms. Their engagement throughout her terms of office consolidated
relations between the two countries and resulted in a friendship that extended beyond
her years in political office. During Mrs Bandaranaike’s illnesses, Marshal
Tito had offered facilities in Yugoslavia for treatment. His death in May 1980
resulted in Mrs Bandaranaike flying to Belgrade to pay her last respects.
Global Outreach
Mrs Bandaranaike’s foreign policy included global
outreach, across political ideologies, and was geared towards enhancing the
prospects of the island nation. This dialogue was promoted with a cross section
of countries from the different regions of the world and saw her meeting her
counterparts often at the bilateral level, but also on the sidelines of
multilateral fora.
With Ceylon being held in high esteem by the Egyptian
people owing to the stand of the country during the tripartite aggression
against Egypt in 1956, Mrs Bandaranaike was accorded a warm welcome by
President Gamel Abdel Nasser and Prime Minister Ali Sabry during her visit in
October 1963. Disarmament and tension in South Vietnam topped the agenda of her
discussions which also resulted in the United Arab Republic (UAR) agreeing to
purchase a higher quota of tea from Ceylon. Egypt, which had been joined to
Syria to form the United Arab Republic, had played a key role with Ceylon at
the height of the Sino-Indian border dispute and exerted tremendous effort to
avoid an outbreak of war.
Following the death of President Nasser in September
1970 Mrs Bandaranaike attended his funeral and also marked his passing in
Ceylon with the declaration of two days of national mourning for a leader who
had come to the rescue of the island at a time when an oil shortage was
experienced. His immediate dispatching of vessels was an act for which Mrs
Bandaranaike remained ever grateful.
In April 1975, Mrs Bandaranaike visited Iraq for four
days. The visit came at a time when the Organization of Petroleum Exporting
Countries (OPEC) was sharply increasing oil prices and countries like Sri Lanka
were feeling the direct impact of such changes. During discussions with Vice
President Saddam Hussein, Mrs Bandaranaike was able to comprehensively explain
the damage being done to developing countries. Finally Iraq decided to supply
250, 000 tonnes of oil on a four year deferred payment scheme at a very low
rate of interest, which was a welcome move.
Vehemently opposed to apartheid in South Africa, Mrs
Bandaranaike, speaking in the Senate in January 1964 noted that “we have
subscribed to the imposition of economic sanctions against South Africa,
although we have said that for such sanctions to be effective all nations of
the world must unite in the applying of these sanctions and it would be futile
for small countries such as ours to seek to impose such sanctions unilaterally
merely as a gesture but without effect.”
Extending her support to Nelson Mandela and his
struggle to free South Africa from Apartheid, Mrs Bandaranaike, who although
never meeting Mandela himself, raised concern on several occasions in
international fora. Following Mandela’s release from prison, he would
frequently recall Mrs Bandaranaike’s support for his long and arduous battle
and the support received from Sri Lanka, noting with appreciation the letters
of support she had sent him while he was imprisoned.
In January 1975, Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda with
whom Mrs Bandaranaike had interacted at several international fora undertook a
visit to Sri Lanka, at a time when preparations were being made for the Non
Aligned Movement summit.
With Canada and Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, she
enjoyed a close friendship which extended to his family. Undertaking a four day
visit to Ceylon in January 1971, Prime Minister Trudeau acknowledged the high
regard with which he held Ceylon in the Commonwealth, as a country that
accommodated two languages and four religions which was an example for Quebec
and Canada. Mrs Bandaranaike reciprocated the visit in October that year.
In Mexico in June 1975, she held discussions with
President Luis Echeverría Álvarez and senior Ministers in his Government, and
was able to secure Mexico’s agreement to purchase a larger quantity of cinnamon.
Her visit was followed in quick succession by the visit of President Álvarez to
Sri Lanka.
In October 1963, Mrs Bandaranaike was in
Czechoslovakia for interactions with Prime Minister Jozef Lenart and President
Antonin Novotny, as well as in Poland meeting Prime Minister Josef Cyrankiewcz,
where she was feted, especially by the Polish Women’s League which drew
inspiration from her achievements.
In December 1970, she received Pope Paul VI who
undertook a short visit to Sri Lanka. She was in the Vatican in September 1973
during which she had a private audience with the Pope at Castel Gandolfo.
Undertaking a four day official visit to the United
Kingdom in October 1971, Mrs Bandaranaike, who was the guest of Prime Minister
Edward Heath, appreciated the support extended by the UK earlier that year in
tackling the youth uprising in Ceylon. In addition to meeting the Queen, the
Prime Minister and the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Sir Alec
Douglas-Home, she also discussed the implications for Ceylon if Britain joined
the European Economic Community when she met the Chief British Common Market
Negotiator, Geoffrey Rippon.
Mrs Bandaranaike undertook a visit to West Germany at
the invitation of Chancellor Helmut Schmidt in September 1974, where the energy
crisis evolving in the world and its impact on developing countries was the
focus of discussion.
In October 1976, Mrs Bandaranaike was in Oslo, where
she met with her counterpart Odvar Nordli who welcomed the effort made by her
in international affairs, noting the Non-Aligned Movement and the role Sri
Lanka had played in the Law of the Sea Conference, chaired by Ambassador
Shirley Amerasinghe.
Embarking on an East Asian tour, Mrs Bandaranaike
visited Jakarta in January 1976 for deliberations with Indonesian President
Suharto, then flew to Bangkok, where she was the guest of Prime Minister Kukrit
Pramojand and also met with King Bhumibol Adulyadej and Queen Sirikit. In
Rangoon on the final leg of the tour, she was hosted by the Prime Minister, Brigadier
General Sein Win, and President of Burma, General Ne Win. During her visit, Mrs
Bandaranaike also met with Burmese politician and diplomat, Khin Kyi, who was
the spouse of the assassinated Burmese leader Aung San and mother of Aung San
Suu Kyi.
Covering other East Asian countries later that year,
Mrs Bandaranaike was a guest of Prime Minister Datuk Hussein Onn and Deputy
Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamed. They expressed appreciation on behalf of
the Government of Malaysia for the permission granted for a hijacked plane from
Kuala Lumpur to refuel in Colombo. She was also received by the King, Sultan
Yahya Petra. Thereafter Mrs Bandaranaike visited Manila as a guest of President
Ferdinand and Mrs Imelda Marcos, before leaving for Tokyo, where Mrs Bandaranaike
held talks with her Japanese counterpart Takeo Miki resulting in Japan pledging
increased grant and project aid. In addition to visiting Mikimoto Pearl Island
and the city of Kyoto, Mrs Bandaranaike was also hosted by Emperor Hirohito and
Empress Kojun.
The enormity of the task was confounded when realizing
that Mrs Sirimavo Bandaranaike served not only as Prime Minister but also as
Minister of External Affair and Defence during her terms from 1960 to 1965 and
1970 to 1977. It is also understood that stalwarts within the political and
bureaucratic frameworks in Sri Lanka greatly aided her in the formulation and
implementation of foreign policy. Felix Dias Bandaranaike from the political
milieu, with W. T. Jayasinghe, Dr Vernon L. B. Mendis, and N. Q. Dias among
many others, as well as Bradman Weerakoon and M. D. D. Peiris, played
monumental roles in assisting the Prime Minister.
Her enthusiasm in foreign policy and international
relations saw the inauguration of the Bandaranaike Centre for International
Studies (BCIS) in December 1974 and the Bandaranaike International Diplomatic
Training Institute (BIDTI) in September 1995. The two institutions remain an
embodiment of her contribution to the world of international relations and
diplomacy to this date, with a great number eager to delve into the world at
large, walking through their doors daily.
Mrs Bandaranaike was the first woman Prime Minister in
the world and a Sri Lankan stateswoman who made a significant contribution to
the realm of global affairs. She blazed a trail that few have attempted to
follow. Irrespective of the nature of political belief, support or preference,
the 60th anniversary of her election is a poignant reminder that a
Sri Lankan overcame immense challenges, and achieved much in the international
arena for her country and its people, and that Sri Lankan was Sirimavo Ratwatte
Dias Bandaranaike.
