Japan has
stepped forward to increase cooperation and assistance to ASEAN. Japanese
Transport Minister Keiichi Ishii joining his Malaysian counterpart in declaring
open the ASEAN Regional Training Centre for Vessel Traffic Services in Port
Klang, Malaysia’s largest port on August 29, 2017, noted that advancements in
the ASEAN region would result in greater traffic. The contribution of Japan
which has been estimated at US$ 4 million has enabled the setting up of the
facility, but more importantly and of much higher value is that it has given
Japan a deeper stake in a region that once abhorred anything Japanese.
Mistrust,
prejudice and hatred stemming from the Second World War were to have a lasting impact
on Japan’s relations with South East Asia, given the numerous war-time atrocities.
Yet it was the Asian Development Bank, originally a concept of Thai banker, Paul
Sithi-Amnuai that saw Japan gaining favour in the region. Calling for a regional
bank, Sithi-Amnuai identified the need for an institution geared towards developing
intra-regional trade. He did so when addressing a trade conference organized by
the Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East (ECAFE) in 1963.
At first
the United States vehemently opposed the creation of another regional bank, in
the wake of the establishment of the Inter-American Development Bank in 1959,
and given that the World Bank and International Monetary Fund possessed the ability
to assist countries in the developing world, especially in South East Asia. A
new venture was seen to curb American influence, and hence wasn’t a welcome
suggestion.
With the
escalation of the Vietnam War, President Lyndon Johnson was persuaded to
support the establishment of the ADB in 1964. Senator J. William Fulbright,
then Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, argued that the War
would not only bleed American blood and treasure, but would also be detrimental
for America's image in Asia. Subsequently realizing the potential of such a
bank, Johnson tasked former World Bank President Eugene Black with assisting in
the establishment of the new institution.
Secretary
of State Dean Rusk was keen on seeing Japan play an important role in the ADB, arguing
that the biggest danger to American foreign policy in Asia was Japan's
inability to integrate into the Asian society of nations following the
animosities of the World War. Whilst countries expressed distinct opposition to
Japan’s participation, persuasive American diplomacy resulted in Japan being
accepted by the majority of participating nations, and a proposal was made that
Tokyo would be the site of the bank's headquarters.
Meeting stiff
opposition from Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos, who threatened to travel
to every Asian capital and scuttle the idea, a decision was taken to locate the
headquarters in Manila, thus silencing Marcos, and as a ‘concession’ to the Japanese,
the inaugural presidency, which would be on a rotating basis, would first go to
Japan. Interestingly the position has been retained by Japan ever since, with
the concept of rotation long abandoned. Whilst taking up the presidency, Japan
also arrogated itself control over critical "reserve positions" such
as the directorship of the Budget, Personnel, and Management Systems Department.
By the end
of 1972, Japan had contributed US$173.7 million, which was 22.6% of the total
ordinary capital resources and US $122.6 million, 59.6% of the total special
funds, while the United States contributed only US $1.25 million to the special
fund. The ADB then focused much of its assistance on food production and rural
development, with early loans going largely to Indonesia, Thailand, Malaysia,
Republic of Korea and the Philippines, accounting for 78.48% of the total ADB
loans between 1967 and 1972.
The mistrust,
prejudice and hatred which had once bedeviled relations seemed to have rescinded
as American strategy and Japanese implementation saw the tide change in
relations between Japan and most of South East Asia. The usage of a bank and
finances altered the perception of a country, and more importantly improved
relations to such an extent that Japan cooperates extensively with countries,
specifically in ASEAN.
The latest
move to establish the ASEAN Regional Training Centre for Vessel Traffic
Services comes in the wake of the collision of the USS John S. McCain on August
21, 2017 off the coast of Johar, Malaysia, which was the fourth accident that
involved American vessels. The US vessel, from its home port of Yokosuka in
Japan, had been on its way to Singapore. Collisions, ship
wrecks in the waters, piracy and haze are just some of the challenges navigators
of the Strait have to overcome.
In
November 2004, ASEAN members along with Bangladesh, China, India, Japan, South
Korea and Sri Lanka signed the Regional Cooperation Agreement on Combating
Piracy and Armed Robbery against Ships in Asia (ReCAPP). It was Japanese Prime
Minister Junichiro Koizumi who first articulated the need for the agreement at the
ASEAN plus Three Summit in Brunei in 2001. He wanted the maintenance of a
database, the conducting of analysis and carrying out the task of being an
information clearing house.
Efforts to
boost cooperation and ensure greater involvement, though continuous, are being increased
amidst attempts by ASEAN to ensure a balance of power in the region. China, following
a similar model as Japan and the ADB, through their own mechanism, the Asian Infrastructure
Investment Bank which is augmenting the work of the One Belt One Road
initiative of President Xi, is seeing results, as relations improve with ASEAN,
in comparison to what they were a decade ago, or even a couple of years ago when
looking at the Philippines.
China’s growing
assertiveness in its relations cause concern for allies such America and Japan,
who want to thwart, or at the very least, mitigate the impact China is having and
the influence China is gaining in the region. Whilst the issues of the South
China Sea seem to have abated, if only for the present, thanks in part to Philippine
President Duterte and his altered policy towards China, and with attention focused
on North Korea, China has been able to enhance economic influence in the
intermission.
While
both Japan and China are keen on infrastructure development, and the Japanese
having used the Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) programme since 1954 after
signing the Colombo Plan, are confronted today with a stronger, determined
and confident China. For the infrastructure development to occur, they also realize
they need to maintain or at the very least ensure secure sea lanes, with the
Malacca Straits being the most contentious at present. Running between
Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore, the Straits which are claimed to be the
second busiest waterway in the world, rose in significance as it serves as a
gateway in trade to and from Asia. Yet it has remained a source of friction as
nearly half of the world’s total annual seaborne trade tonnage is said to pass
through the Straits. Expansion of trade and the implementation of the OBOR initiative
have seen the Straits gain in significance, and also become more vulnerable to regional and international rivalry.
As Malaysia becomes home to the ASEAN Regional
Training Centre for Vessel Traffic Services on the eve of its 60th
anniversary of independence, the role of the Centre, the entrenched involvement
of Japan, the heightened influence of China, as well as the impact these two countries
would have on ASEAN, are at spilling point.
For Japan, the latest move indicates a step towards enhancement of ties
with ASEAN. Yet ASEAN, whilst celebrating half a century under the banner of ‘Partnering
for Change, Engaging the World,’ has balanced regional rivalry, and
more importantly, gained in the process.
-
AWARELOGUE EDITORIAL
