Sri Lanka has remained one of the most globally connected countries.
Whilst expeditions were dispatched to the Roman Empire in some of the first
international interactions, special envoys continued to traverse the world over
the centuries. Likewise Sri Lanka attracted many traders and conquerors owing
to resources and location. Numerous calls have been made to make Sri Lanka a
hub in the Indian Ocean, but often islanders fail to realize that Sri Lanka was
a hub of strategic importance. Traders from China, the Arab world, as well as
the Portuguese, Dutch and British all found the island to be of considered
importance and sought to control it to their benefit at varied periods. Making
the island a hub is therefore not a new policy but one which needs to be revived.
A Foreign Policy that is strategic and effective remains the most
crucial tool in the armoury of Sri Lanka’s diplomatic engagement and the means
by which the island would be able to stride the global stage, maneuver
international issues and overcome critical challenges in the 21st
century. Amidst fresh developments regionally and internationally, Sri Lanka is
often provided with opportunities that require innovative action which at
times, steers away from the traditional modes of operation to exploring new
avenues for building cooperation and increasing potential. More importantly,
the need to strategize Foreign Policy becomes crucial, if the country is to
move from being constantly on the defensive to adopting a more proactive stance
in global affairs.
Reflection on that which has been becomes highly relevant at this
juncture. Whether in terms of research or policy planning, foreign policy
formulation needs the utmost attention given the international ramifications of
each and every step taken. Today Sri Lanka is a member, dialogue partner and
observer of numerous organizations and groupings, yet the amount of leverage
the country enjoys internationally, as a result of such affiliations, leaves
much to be desired. For too long the island has remained static owing to
developments within, but now with the conflict a near decade into history, it
is time the country surges ahead, but it would only be able to do so with
strategy, which it tends to lack at the most crucial of times.
Identifying national interest remains at the core of decision making.
Whether in negotiations over bilateral issues, staking a claim at the United
Nations or through the plethora of multilateral platforms that Sri Lanka sits
at, the prospect of going in with an agenda for success, rather than merely
marking attendance, needs to top the list of priorities. Security remains
critical, from defence of the island from outside interference; cyber attacks;
protecting the air and maritime boundaries and resources; preserving peace, law
and order within the island; ensuring a healthy population; securing sufficient
food; avoiding economic downturns; promoting investment while protecting the
environment. All of these dimensions of security are paramount for a country
going forward.
Sri Lanka possesses the ability to connect with the world by air and
sea. Though identified as avenues of opportunity, the high seas and air space
have also been the medium through which Sri Lanka’s sovereignty has been
violated and maybe argued continues to be violated, especially in reference to
the seas. Yet enhancing air connectivity remains critical to propel the nation forward.
Thus of significance is the opportunity to be accrued by adopting a policy of
Air Diplomacy, as an integral component of Foreign Policy. Incorporating such a
dimension into Foreign Policy would provide the impetus to promote Sri Lanka’s
interconnectedness primarily in the region and thereafter in key strategic
locations in South East Asia, East Asia, West Asia, Central Asia, Africa and
Europe.
Examining the concept of Air Diplomacy, and the means by which it
could be incorporated into Sri Lanka’s Foreign Policy remains crucial. Reference
has been made herein to case studies in which the usage of Air Diplomacy
supported the state’s ability to enhance its international interaction and accrued
beneficial dividends to the state. The military component of the study examines
the means by which the Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF) could contribute to the
implementation of a policy of Air Diplomacy and study the role of academia in
creating a neutral platform from which militaries would be able to engage.
States need to go beyond the prescribed formula wherein large and
powerful states use Air Power and Air Diplomacy to bolster their military
might. Instead being examined herein is the potential of an island state to
adopt an effective Air Diplomacy policy that would enable decision makers to
strategize Foreign Policy, ensure greater connectivity and guarantee a higher
degree of influence in regional and global affairs. It is argued that the
building of a nexus between and among militaries would auger well, as levels of
cooperation and confidence would be boosted. The contributory role of academia
in the pursuit of this policy generates a triangle in which the military and
academia work jointly to identify areas and mechanisms for implementation, and
reach out collectively to influence foreign policy formulators.
Comprehending Air
Diplomacy
In an interview in 1927, Paul Claudel, (1927) the new French
Ambassador to Washington in reference to his appointment noted that “my task
will be facilitated by the air and popular diplomacy admirably initiated by the
American airmen, who haven’t even realized their apostolate.” Air Diplomacy was
born during E. H. Carr’s ‘Twenty Years’ Crisis’, but neither Claudel nor Carr
realized the manner in which air travel would revolutionize the entire spectrum
of connectivity that had been hitherto known to humans.
Nearly a century later advancements in technology enhanced air travel,
which contributed to the rapid pace at which nation-states became enmeshed in
the concept of, and thereby gave credence to, globalization. Improved and safe
travel propelled industry, commerce and changed the persona of diplomacy. The
role of the diplomat was transformed. Leaders themselves engaged directly
thereby forcing the diplomat into a new position of contact between states. The
transformation called for the adaptation of the diplomat to the new role of
strategic advisor which many countries and professionals still grapple to
understand. The changing environment saw the evolution of New Diplomacy, as we
identify the sphere in modern times.
The air connectivity also led to the enhancement of military contact,
and it has been considered to be a highly effective form of attack or
retaliation. While the First World War had seen sporadic air attacks which
accounted for some 1, 400 deaths in Britain due to aerial bombardments, as
opposed to the 57, 000 men who died on just the first day of battle at Somme in
1916, air attacks were not as sophisticated as they are today or have been for
the past several decades. From the infamous blitzkrieg over London, to the
attack on Pearl Harbour, the usage of planes to drop nuclear bombs over
Nagasaki and Hiroshima, their role in the Vietnam war, and their usage in other
countries including Cambodia, Indonesia and Bangladesh, and in the last two
decades across the West Asia and stretching into Afghanistan and Pakistan, the
consequences of the air power are viewed negatively in much of the world, given
the ramifications of death and destruction it leaves in its wake.
It was in the post Second World War era with the heightening of the
Cold War and emphasis on building stronger militaries and enhancing military
capabilities, that air power began to supersede naval power. While in earlier
centuries states attached great importance to naval power as evidenced through
the building of the Chinese Navy, Spanish Armada, Royal Navy and the Japanese
Imperial Navy among others, it is to air power that states turned in the
twentieth century. Rapid advancements enabled faster movement, flexibility and
swifter attacks, especially in relation to aerial strikes.
Conflict is not the sole aspect of air power. A century ago, as
highlighted by Claudel, states were discovering the opportunities that
improvements in connectivity would provide, and their Forces were exploring the
potential of humanitarian operations, wherein the transportation of goods and
services, assisting in rescue missions, conducting evacuations and supporting
ground troops, became an integral component of air power. States thereby amass
air power leading to superiority, which translates into an effective tool for
diplomatic engagement.
Hitler believed that “when diplomacy ends, wars begin,” a strong view
that he eventually put into practice. It is evident that diplomacy and all
aspects of the sphere are used by states in the formulation and implementation
of Foreign Policy. With a wider scope and deeper reach, the dividends are
richer and greater. Foreign Policy today is enriched through multifaceted
approaches, and states are striving to evolve with developments in a plethora
of fields. Amidst these varied approaches is that of Air Diplomacy. As a
thematic area, and more importantly, a policy option, the study of Air
Diplomacy, its relevance and potential reveals its use today by states to
enhance engagement and display military might.
Hence it is understood that Air Power has the potential to wreck havoc
and generate widespread destruction through its usage in military campaigns.
Yet the significance of Air Power and its connectivity to Diplomacy becomes
highly relevant in an era in which although military power is used for battle,
it is also used for peace keeping missions. Similarly Air Power, maybe be used
for the achievement of stability, ensure security and the enhancement of
relations in the international sphere.
Air Diplomacy if practiced as a concerted policy would chiefly enable
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to bolster ties with countries, particularly in
the region, and also with those which similarly focus on this sphere. It would
also enable the SLAF to increase connectivity with other Forces in the region,
improve relations with the aforementioned strategic locations, ensure
opportunities of reach into new spheres, such as regional and international
search and rescue operations, and carve an identity for the Force to be
recognised. It would result in Sri Lanka harnessing location and geopolitical
importance to boost the economy, augment the development drive, and strategize
international engagement. The island’s location has long been touted as one of
its greatest assets, but its utilization to its fullest potential is yet to be
realized. Similarly the geopolitical importance of the Indian Ocean, and its
rising relevance in global trade and contact, could boost the aviation arena.
General de Gaulle (1960) highlighted the connection between diplomacy
and the use of armed forces, wherein he identified that diplomacy had three
levers: “Diplomacy expresses it, armed forces support it, and the police cover
it.” Lespinois (2012) derives therefrom that “Air diplomacy could be defined as
the use of air assets to support foreign policy.” This support can have
manifold repercussions as it could describe a country’s aviation policy and the
means by which it would strive to exhibit its technical and economic supremacy.
It would also indicate that countries with greater degrees of power would be
able to enforce stronger positions in Air Diplomacy. De La Rochère (1997), examining
the incorporation of power into diplomacy, identifies the heavy handedness of
the United States in imposing its own opinion of how public international law should
be enforced in civil aviation. Similar developments occurred at international
conferences, she argues, particularly the Chicago Convention on International
Civil Aviation in 1944, and the Bermuda Agreement two years later. However this
paper while examining the concept of Air Diplomacy, and the means by which it
could be incorporated into Sri Lanka’s Foreign Policy, focuses on the military
component of Air Diplomacy.
Implementing Air
Diplomacy: Role of the Military
Seventy years ago air connectivity was to play a critical role in the
first crisis of the Cold War. With the Soviet decision to block access to
Berlin the eruption of the Berlin Blockade from 24th June 1948 to 11th
May 1949 Cold War tensions were to reach a heightened situation as former
Allied powers sought wars to avoid confrontation. It severely tested the peace
that prevailed, and enabled a blockade stricken people to survive for nearly a
year, but also provided a new dimension to air power and its usage.
The United States Air Force and the British Royal Air Force flew more
than 200, 000 flights into Berlin taking with them in excess of 13, 000 tonnes
of food supplies on a daily basis. Creating a coalition of support for Berlin,
aircrews from Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and South Africa joined the
effort to support the American and British forces. The success of Operation
Vittles and Operation Plainfare so named by the Americans and British
respectively, was evident when more good and supplies were arriving in Berlin
than had been supplied earlier via the rail route.
Commemorated annually, the success of the main airlift was bolstered
by other initiatives such as Operation Little Vittles, through which chocolates
attached to little parachutes were dropped promoting goodwill among the German
people, towards the forces that were intervening to assist them. The
cooperative measures adopted by various militaries saw Western powers realize
the need to remain united and support the West German government in the face of
Soviet aggression. Parallel to the airlift America led efforts along with other
key western nations to establish the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)
and the Marshall Plan began to play a decisive role in European affairs.
Two and a half decades later in 1973, when Egypt and Syria attacked Israel
starting the Yom Kippur War, the United States Air Force launched Operation Nickel
Grass to assist their strong ally. The surprise attack resulted in loss of key
ammunition ranging from tanks to aircraft in Israel but the Americans were
instantly prepared to replace the losses incurred with Kissinger assuring
Israeli Ambassador Dinitz that “The President has agreed that all your aircraft
and tank losses will be replaced.”
The airlifting of ammunition, including the provision of new aircrafts
contributed heavily to consolidating the already strong bonds between the two
countries. The intervention by the United States enabled Israel to survive the
coordinated attack and restored a balance of power given the Soviet support
extended to Egypt and Syria. It also came at a time when Israeli Prime Minister
Golda Meir was threatening to use nuclear weapons to counter the attacks from
her adversaries.
Portugal’s decision to grant landing facilities in the autonomous
region of Azores, when most traditional European allies refused cooperation, improved
diplomatic connectivity. Connectivity originated when Portugal become the first
neutral state to establish diplomatic relations with the United States
following the Revolutionary War of Independence. Developments during Operation
Nickel Grass also made American forces realize the need to improve staging
bases overseas, which was identified as a severe deficiency.
The Operation was yet another instance in which Air Diplomacy engaged
in by the United States, Israel, and with the support of Portugal, resulted in
the thwarting of attempts to generate instability. Meir acknowledged the action
noting that “for generations to come, all will be told of the miracle of the
immense planes from the United States bringing in material that meant life for
our people.” (Boyne, 1998)
When the capital of Bosnia-Herzegovina was under siege it was timely
air interventions that saved lives. From July 1992 to January 1996, the UN led
humanitarian operation, named Air Bridge, ensured the supply of more than 160,
000 metric tonnes of aid, including food, medicine, equipment and other
supplies to Sarajevo. With twenty countries providing aircrafts and facilities,
and the support of numerous international organizations, the operation was able
to provide more than 85 percent of all aid reaching the capital.
At the time of the conclusion of the operation in January 1996, United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Sadako Ogata observed that “for the
past three-and-a-half years, the airlift has been Sarajevo’s lifeline and a
constant reminder to the hundreds of thousands of brave residents of the city
that they were not forgotten. Without a doubt, the airlift saved tens of
thousands of people and kept the city alive through three winters of war.” (UNHCR, 1996) The concerted effort of all
these countries and organisations under the leadership of the United Nations
resulted in the continued supply of essential items, which saw the people of
Sarajevo through a turbulent period of their history.
Whilst the United States has played a pivotal role in many airlifts in
the course of the last century, Israel has displayed significant involvement in
such operations as evidenced in Operation Moses, wherein 8, 000 Ethiopians were
airlifted from Sudan to Israel over seven weeks from November 1984 to January
1985. Thereafter in 1991, Operation Solomon saw the airlifting of more than 14,
000 Ethiopian Jews to Israel in just 36 hours. Earlier Operation Yachin from
1961 to 1964 saw an exodus of 97, 000 Moroccan Jews by plane and ship, although
Operation Ezra and Nehemiah from 1951 to 1952 had been on a larger scale with
between 120, 000 and 130, 000 Iraqi Jews airlifted from Iraq in a hugely
significant exodus of the Jewish community from countries in West Asia.
Operation Magic Carpet between June 1949 and September 1950 resulted in the
evacuation of 49, 000 Yemenite Jews to Israel and had been carried out by 380
flights by British and American transport planes.
Irrespective of the country involved, the number of tonnes of relief
supplies or even the number of people that were evacuated, such airlift
operations carried out for most of the second half of the last century saw
heavy reliance on air connectivity. The usage of Air Diplomacy supported the
state’s ability to enhance its international interaction whilst accruing
beneficial dividends to the states involved.
Constructing an Innovative
Air Diplomacy Policy
While the case studies cited herein refer to countries with defence
budgets that even exceed $600 billion, in the case of the United States, and
extensive influence as with the United States and Israel, it is possible to
innovate in this arena. Sri Lanka played a monumental role in the 1950’s in the
build up to the establishment of the Non-Aligned Movement and went on to chair
the grouping from 1976 to 1979, chaired the Security Council and General
Assembly of the United Nations, chaired the South Asian Association for
Regional Cooperation (SAARC) thrice, served as Chair-in-Office of the
Commonwealth and has now been handed over the chair of Bay of Bengal Initiative
for Multisectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC). Opportunities
abound, the usage of such openings remain the challenge the country is yet to
overcome.
The adoption of an innovative Air Diplomacy policy needs to be
rationalized on two levels, with two categories at each level. This could be
done primarily in the bilateral sphere whereby Sri Lanka utilizes her strong
bilateral connections with strategic countries in the region and beyond, and
secondly at the international level, whereby Sri Lanka plays a vigorous role in
redefining defence cooperation through Air Diplomacy. Both levels provide the
country and the SLAF with the opportunity of branching out and generating
another platform for cooperation which would augur for the state in the long
run.
The bilateral level would need to be examined in two categories. Sri
Lanka purchases ammunition, equipment, aircraft, vessels etc from particular
countries. These are countries of strategic importance and it is vital to
develop closer relations with them. This could be in varied forms, such as
structured joint sessions between the militaries, and in particular with the
Air Forces of the respective countries. Adopting a similar format as the Joint
Sessions between countries at the political level, the Air Force interface would
lead to deeper understanding, better cooperation and stronger connectivity,
especially at times of need. It could also evolve into and include the
conducting of joint drills between the Air Forces, which would result in the
sharing of technology and expertise.
The second category at the bilateral level would be with countries of
strategic importance in the global arena. Whilst a similar model of structured
sessions and joint drills maybe adopted, the second tier would give Sri Lanka
the opportunity of reaching beyond the usual remit of connectivity and improve
bilateral relations in the process.
Multilateral engagement forms the second level whereby the bilateral connectivity
could, in time, be merged with a regional conclave of Air Force Chiefs, which
is absent from SAARC at present. Whilst attempting to establish a SAARC Air
Force Chief’s Conference seems too early to explore, given the current
stalemate in political relations among South Asian countries, Sri Lanka could
instead look at playing a catalytic role of bringing Indian Ocean Rim
Association (IORA) countries together by proposing an Air Force Chief’s
Conclave amongst the 21 member states and 7 dialogue partners. Whilst this
could be examined within the framework of existing groupings, whereby Sri Lanka
proposes the establishment of such fora even in groupings such as BIMSTEC and
the Commonwealth, where the use of Air Diplomacy would greatly enhance security
cooperation. Further engagement in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO),
wherein Sri Lanka is a dialogue partner at present, could see the country
seeking deeper engagement, even actively campaigning for full membership, while
articulating the contribution, especially in the area of counter terrorism that
the country would be able to make, and gaining through collaboration with other
member states and dialogue partners of the SCO.
The second category at the multilateral level would see Sri Lanka
explore new areas of air connectivity through the creation of a ‘Shangri la
Dialogue’ model, which could be implemented for purposes of Air Diplomacy. This
platform would generate immense opportunities for the Air Chiefs of specific
countries to converge each year in a bid to discuss military aviation issues,
multilateral cooperation, enhance regional security as well as improve
humanitarian assistance and relief efforts. The conclave would also serve as a
hub for the sharing of information on suspicious air activity, response to
terror threats, and measures that could be adopted to thwart such activity and
threats.
Preserving and
promoting National Interest: Why Air Diplomacy is essential
Whether at the bilateral or multilateral levels and within the
specified categories of these two levels, the formulation of an effective
Foreign Policy is at the core of national interest. The protection and
promotion of national interest, while within the mandate of the state, could be
implemented through innovative measures. The adoption of an Air Diplomacy
policy, which would be implemented chiefly by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
Ministry of Defence, Sri Lanka Air Force and with the involvement of academia, would
see Sri Lanka gain immensely through all that has been hitherto described.
The potential of the island to adopt such an effective Air Diplomacy
policy would enable decision makers to strategize Foreign Policy, ensure
greater connectivity and guarantee a higher degree of influence in regional and
global affairs. It is argued that the building of a nexus between and among
militaries would auger well, as levels of cooperation and confidence would be
boosted.
As discussed in the introduction, the chief concern of a state is its
security in a multitude of areas, chief among which is defence. As stated, the
usage of air space is a means by which attacks maybe staged against the
country, yet of importance is the emphasis on maritime aerial patrols, given
that naval resources are limited and vessels cannot be deployed at regular
intervals to monitor the entirety of Sri Lanka’s maritime territory. The
support that could be generated by the SLAF through the aforementioned channels
would see an enhancement of aerial resources which would in turn augment the
naval resources of the state.
A pivotal role would thus be played by the adoption of a policy of Air
Diplomacy as a strategic foreign policy option. With the completion of seven
decades since the granting of independence, Sri Lanka stands at a cross road of
harnessing the opportunity of peace and racing into the future to compete with
nations in the region and beyond, or of vacillating over indecision, corruption
and crime. The conflict is a near decade into history. The time is ripe for
challenging and critical planning, innovative and ingenious action, and most
importantly succinct strategizing for the future. Air Diplomacy could play a
significant role in strategizing Sri Lanka’s Foreign Policy.
REFERENCES
Claudel P, (Euvres diplomatiques:
ambassadeur aux États-Unis, 1927-1933, vol 1, ed. Luciele Gardagnati (Paris: L’Âge d’homme, 1994), 103.
de Gaulle C, Mémoires de guerre, vol 3 (Paris: Plon, 1960), p 627.
de La Rochére J D, La politique aéronautique
militaire de la France Janvier 1933 – Septembre 1939 (Paris: Editions L’Harmattan, 1997).
de Lespinois J, What is Air Diplomacy? Assessed on 30
August 2018 - http://www.airpower.au.af.mil/apjinternational/apj-af/2012/2012-4/eng/2012_4_05_DeLespinois.pdf
UNHCR Press Release
REF/1130, 05 January 1996, Assessed on 15 September 2018 - https://www.un.org/press/en/1996/19960105.ref1130.html
Walter J. Boyne, Nickel Grass, Air Force Magazine,
December 1998 Issue, Assessed on 15 September 2018 - http://www.airforcemag.com/MagazineArchive/Pages/1998/December%201998/1298nickel.aspx.
White House
declassified Memorandum of Conversation dated 09th October 1973 – Assessed on
15 September 2018 - https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu//NSAEBB/NSAEBB98/octwar-21b.pdf.
