Sri Lanka and UNESCO: Seven Decades of Partnership

by George I. H. Cooke 
 
14^th November 2019 marked the 70^th anniversary of Sri Lanka's membership in the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). Over the last seven decades the country has worked closely with this UN agency in its fields of specialization, leading to enhanced cooperation, which may be termed to be among the most amount of collaboration in comparison with all UN agencies. 

In 1949, when Ceylon was being vetoed and blocked from joining the United Nations Organisation in New York on consecutive occasions, membership in UNESCO was an important step forward for the country keen to engage in multilateralism and ensure it played an active role on the world stage from its initial years of freedom onwards. Strategizing on the part of the first Prime Minister and External Affairs Minister, D. S. Senanayake saw the island start off on a journey that has been varied given the forms of interactions that Sri Lanka has enjoyed with the UN in general and UNESCO in particular. The entry of Ceylon paved the way for the country to contribute to the process and also benefit from the numerous opportunities that were provided.

Jawaharlal Nehru identified UNESCO as ‘the conscience of humanity’ given the constructive role played by the world body in the promotion of meaningful peace through its conferences, programmes and activities at its headquarters in Paris and around the world through regional and field offices as well as National Commissions in member states.

Historic Perspective

Whilst the Second World War was raging and the focus was entirely on the war effort, a Conference of Allied Minister of Education in the United Kingdom in the early 1940s saw the participation of Governments of European countries, looking to reconstruct their systems of education once peace was restored. The Conference took on greater representation when new governments opted to join the effort, including the United States of America.  

Among the proposals originating from that initial deliberation, was the need to summon a Conference for the establishment of an educational and cultural organization, which was subsequently convened in London from 1^st to 16^th November 1945. It gathered representatives of forty-four countries who decided to create a grouping that would represent a genuine culture of peace. The body would establish the “intellectual and moral solidarity of mankind” with the primary objective of preventing the outbreak of another world war. Whilst thirty-seven countries founded the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, the Constitution of UNESCO, which was signed on 16^th November 1945, came into force on 4^th November 1946 after ratification by twenty countries, namely, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Egypt, France, Greece, India, Lebanon, Mexico, New Zealand, Norway, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Turkey, United Kingdom and United States. The inaugural session of the General Conference of UNESCO was held in Paris from 19^th November to 10^th December 1946 with the participation of 30 governments.  

The American poet and writer, Archibald MacLeish penned the words that formed the opening preamble of the constitution of UNESCO which noted that “Since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that the defences of peace must be constructed.” It is this mandate that has remained at the heart of all activities of UNESCO in the ensuing decades, as it has attempted, through the fields of education, culture and science, to foster dialogue among civilizations, enhance understanding of cultures and peoples, promote commonly shared values and contribute towards sustainable development.

Whether in the drive to attain quality education for all and lifelong learning, or through the mobilization of science knowledge and policy for sustainable development, or by addressing emerging social and ethical challenges, whilst fostering cultural diversity, intercultural dialogue and a culture of peace, and building inclusive knowledge societies through information and communication, UNESCO has been able to play a pivotal role in global affairs.

Given the numerous challenges that Sri Lanka has had to face within the UN system, it is noteworthy to reflect on that which has occurred through UNESCO given the positive developments and their ramifications. From the ratification of standard setting international conventions, the declaration of several World Heritage Sites and assistance in their preservation, the commemoration of Vesak on a unique platform of inter-faith dialogue, serving on the Executive Board of the Organization, the granting of Category II status to the South Asian Centre for Teacher Development, numerous scholarships and fellowships, and collaboration in the myriad programmes of UNESCO, Sri Lanka has enjoyed a unique relationship with this UN agency, which has not been sufficiently highlighted nor acknowledged.

Sri Lanka has served on the crucial decision making 58-member Executive Board of UNESCO on numerous occasions, with the first being upon the election of Frederick de Silva who served from 1968 to 1974. It was thereafter Nissanka Parakrama Wijeratne who was elected to serve from 1987 to 1989 and Dr Ananda P. Guruge from 1989 to 1991. Sri Lanka’s reelection in 2003 saw Dr Karunasena Kodituwakku and Mangala Samaraweera representing the country, while Susil Premajayantha and Bandula Gunawardana served on the Executive Board from 2008 to 2011, during their tenures as Ministers of Education in Sri Lanka. In 2015, Akila Viraj Kariyawasam commenced his term on the Executive Board, and it is due to end at the 40^th General Conference in 2019.

Through deliberations at the Executive Board, Sri Lanka has contributed to the central decision making process for twenty two years of its membership, and been able to support the steering of the Organisation at some of the most trying times of its existence. From proposing to intervening and passing resolutions, Sri Lanka has been able to play a crucial role as a Member State of the Asia – Pacific group, the largest regional grouping at UNESCO.  

Conventions and Inscriptions

Having ratified the 1972 World Heritage Convention on 06^th June 1980, Sri Lanka went on submit three cultural sites which were inscribed on the World Heritage List in 1982. These were the Ancient City of Polonnaruwa, the Ancient City of Sigiriya, and the Sacred City of Anuradhapura. Two other cultural sites which were inscribed in 1988 were the Old Town of Galle and its Fortifications, and the Sacred City of Kandy. The Golden Temple of Dambulla was added to the cultural list of sites possessing universal value in 1991 taking the number of cultural sites to six. In addition, two Sri Lankan natural sites, the Sinharaja Forest Reserve (1988) and the Central Highlands of Sri Lanka (2010) were added to give the country eight sites on the World Heritage List. In 1983, Sri Lanka was elected to the World Heritage Committee which deliberates on sites and their value, and served on it till 1989. At present the country has two properties on the Tentative List, which is an inventory of those properties which countries intend to consider for nomination. These are the Seruwila Mangala Raja Maha Vihara (2006) and the Seruwila to Sri Pada – Ancient pilgrim route along the Mahaweli river in Sri Lanka (2010).

Sri Lanka has ratified many Conventions of UNESCO. The 1970 Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property was ratified on 06^th June 1980, whilst the 1954 Hague Convention was ratified on 11^th May 2004, the 2003 Intangible Cultural Heritage Convention on 21^st April 2008, and acceded to the International Convention against Doping in Sports on 01^st May 2011. Ratification of these conventions has enabled Sri Lanka to adhere to international standards and ensured the country is eligible to derive opportunities found therein.

Amidst other inscriptions is that which is found in the Memory of the World Register. The Archives of the Dutch East India Company are found in several capitals which formed the nucleus of the Dutch trading route. The inscription notes that ‘the VOC Archives includes thousands of maps and drawings. Frequently, these pictures are the first representations ever made of the people, houses, landscape, flora or fauna of these regions. About twenty five million pages of VOC records have survived in repositories in Jakarta, Colombo, Chennai, Cape Town and The Hague.’

In addition, Sri Lanka has been elected to the governance bodies of programmes and conventions with the UNESCO structure including the Intergovernmental Council of the International Programme for the Development of Communication (IPDC), the Intergovernmental Council of the Management of Social Transformations (MOST) Programme, the International Coordinating Council of the Programme on Man and the Biosphere (MAB), the Executive Council of the Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission (IOC) and more recently on 6^th June 2018 to the Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage, for the period 2018-2022.

Vesak as an interfaith platform

UNESCO provides a platform for nations to understand their differences, while celebrating their diversity. It was in this spirit that the Permanent Delegation of Sri Lanka to UNESCO highlighted inter-faith dialogue through the celebration of Vesak. The three-day event, initiated in 2013, has seen the involvement of persons and member states in which Buddhism is present, as well as those which have taken an interest in the platform that was provided to collaborate ideas, engage in discussion and eliminate differences in the pursuit of a common stance of peace and understanding. 

Thus the raison d’etre of the key symposium and many side events has been to invigorate comprehension of the commonalities in all religions, attempt to capture the essence of the message they bear and advocate their inculcation in our daily lives, all through the example and testimony of Buddhism. While noted on the international stage as a much needed exercise, the translation to the local level becomes imperative. The practice has continued since and remains an important day in the Sri Lankan calendar at UNESCO.

Assistance received and rendered

The awarding of fellowships under the auspices of UNESCO has been a practice that has greatly benefited numerous Sri Lankans as they are geared towards enhancing human resources and capacity building at the national level in spheres that are within the mandate of UNESCO’s objectives and programme priorities. Among the scholarships awarded have been the UNESCO/Israel (MASHAV) co-sponsored Fellowship, the UNESCO/China (The Great Wall) co-sponsored fellowship, the UNESCO/Japan: Obuchi co-sponsored fellowship, the UNESCO/Republic of Korea (IPDC) co-sponsored fellowships, and more recently the Organization for Women in Science for the Developing World (OWSD) Early Career Fellowship programme.

Sri Lankan universities have received grants funds under the Participation Programme where the most recent awarding of such funding has been to the Universities of Moratuwa, Ruhuna and Rajarata for projects related to the impact of climate change on World Heritage sites with special focus on the Caves in Dambulla; empowering stakeholders to combat stunting and wasting of children; and the strengthening of the partnership between academia and farming communities.

Sri Lanka too has offered scholarships through UNESCO to students and researchers, especially in countries such as Afghanistan. Of significance is the contributions made by Sri Lankans over the decades to the enhancements of the relationship between Sri Lanka and UNESCO, most significant of which would be Dr Roland Silva who pioneered the Cultural Triangle project of 1980 and was instrumental in the preparation of the applications for Sri Lanka’s nominations to the World Heritage List.

In the sphere of oceans and science, Prof. Samantha Hettiarachchi was amongst the first scientists to study the relations between mangroves and wave attenuation. He led efforts to establish the Ministry of Disaster Management and the Disaster Management Centre and functioned as the Chairman of the Working Group on Risk Assessment of UNRSCO/ Indian Ocean Commission in Paris and on the Inter-governmental group for the establishment of the Indian Ocean Tsunami Early Warning System. His work has been reflected in the guidelines drawn up by UNESCO for coastal hazards, risk assessment and management. 

These are two individuals who have made an invaluable contribution. Many others too have worked tirelessly for the promotions of relations and ensured that Sri Lanka contributed and benefited from the collaboration.

Conclusion

From active participation in the deliberations of the Executive Board, to the ratification of international Conventions, and from playing a contributory role in the governing arms of the organisation’s main programmes, to the varied forms of assistance given and received, Sri Lanka has gained immensely from her membership in UNESCO, a crucial UN institution, and one through which the contribution of Sri Lanka has been significant though not highlighted. Listed herein is only the tip of the iceberg in relation to the cooperation that has taken place. Areas for sustained cooperation abound. Initiation, enthusiasm and passion are all that are required very often.

As the country embarks upon another decade in the organisation, it is time to comprehend the potential of the relationship with this particular UN agency and deepen engagement through the areas of cooperation currently in existence and also look to furthering that collaboration. The canvassing for another term on the Executive Board of UNESCO; greater involvement in the World Heritage Committee with potential candidates being nominated for their expertise, other sites being identified and submitted for inscription and sites already inscribed being looked after well; to the activation of the Category II South Asian Centre for Teacher Development to be truly what it was envisaged to be, a pioneer in the field of teacher development, which could be replicated in other regions of the world; as well as intensified participation in all programmes and activities of the organisation to ensure that the country's engagement is meaningful, would augur well for Sri Lanka.

Furthermore the appointment of a dedicated Ambassador to UNESCO with a sizable delegation with the necessary expertise in the areas of education, culture and science would enable Sri Lanka to seize the numerous opportunities available and ensure that the contribution being made is significant and truly meaningful. The next decade remains crucial for many reasons. While Sri Lanka receives fresh leadership and a new presidential term begins, it is imperative that foreign policy formulation intensifies to meet the growing challenges of geopolitics but more importantly focuses on the returns of multilateralism and engagement which would afford wider and deeper guarantees for an island nation like Sri Lanka.

GLOBAL GOVERNANCE: CHINA’S CONTRIBUTION THROUGH THE SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANISATION

- George I. H. Cooke

Global Governance: where are we?

Symbiotic associations among states and peoples have occurred over centuries whilst a semblance of collective governance on an international scale in varied forms and manifestations has existed from time immemorial. The building of empires, which were spread over many centuries, did result in governance from powerful capitals, yet this was a forced form of governance on weaker nations. Differing periods of colonialism saw large swathes of the world being governed by conquering nations, mostly emanating from Europe.

City states and subsequently nation states had interacted with and amongst each other, but a global network hadn’t been realized until the founding of the League of Nations. Here global governance in its modern form began to take shape through this initial experience. It was with the establishment of the League on 20 January 1920, pursuant to the Paris Peace Conference that ended the Great War, that was later identified as the First World War, that voluntary and free willed cooperation begin to emerge in the world.

The League may have faltered in the quarter century of its existence, yet nations started realizing the potential of a cooperative mechanism. World peace, collective security, disarmament, the resolution of international disputes by peaceful means such as negotiation and arbitration, measures to curb human and drug trafficking, improving labour conditions, ensuring health care and a myriad other issues became the focus of nations that came together in the League of Nations.

Whilst the outbreak of the Second World War spelt the end of the League, it didn’t curb the enthusiasm of nations and their leaders to ensure that a new and innovative approach would be adopted when war ceased. The preparation, throughout the Second World War, for what would occur after the battles had ended, is testimony to the foresight of leaders to forge a common stance, which resulted in the establishment of the United Nations Organisation in 1945. Over the last century since the creation of the League, and more specifically in the seven decades since the founding of the UN, humanity has grappled with numerous causes for concern when the world has been on the brink of a Third World War, yet managed to avert all out disaster owing to many factors including sound diplomacy, economics and sheer power.  

The rise of regionalism in the twentieth century with the emergence of numerous groupings based on, but not often limited, to geography, resulted in the creation of a heavily intertwined network. The connectivity which was formerly carried out through neighbouring nation states coming together has evolved today to include associations based on security, religion, culture and economic cooperation. It has led to deeper reliance on one another, generating an environment in which states are not isolated anymore.

Ahead of the centenary in 2020, reviewing the progress made, identifying areas in which states have faltered, comprehending the scope of that which is to come and strategizing for future, it is prudent to analyse the role of specific groupings and countries in the promotion of global governance. Today amid a flurry of economic connectivity, states, especially those in the global south, are reaching out for enhanced trade, guaranteed markets and greater investment to boost their economies and ensure prosperity. For most of the twentieth century, this tangible cooperation was forthcoming from the West, as the Cold War dominated global affairs. Yet with the closing of the last century, it is evident that states of the east and most of the global south, which provided moral support in the past, have rapidly emerged, some ahead of others.

Amongst states that have undergone rapid advancement, the leader is China. Over the seven decades since the founding of the Peoples Republic of China, the country has risen in a plethora of sectors, taken on a catalytic role in global affairs, and is transforming the rationale of global governance. Through its involvement in international associations, ranging from the UN, Group of 20 (G20), the Boao Forum for Asia and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) among others, and also through its own domestic and foreign policies such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China has ensured a massive presence in the world. It has also resulted in countries grappling to understand the rise of China, some trying to counter its growth, whilst most are eager to enhance relations and experience similar growth and prosperity.

China’s impact on global governance is being felt in almost every country around the world. Shouldering greater responsibility in global affairs, China’s involvement is not confined to a particular country or group of countries, nor to a specific region. Over the last four decades China has gained influence, but borne the responsibility that goes with it. Having attempted to play a greater role in existing structures, China has moved ahead by creating new and innovative mechanisms based on her own attributes which stem from but are not limited to history, culture, size and the ensuing potential.

Some in the west have turned their back on globalization, jeopardizing the process, network and institutions they fought hard to establish. In the wake of rising nationalism and economic protectionism that has spread rapidly in the last few years, China is seen today to be providing the support and cooperation the global south yearns for. Developing countries, in their inherent desire to enhance prosperity and improve the livelihoods of their peoples, are bereft of the tangible support that once flowed from the West. China has been able to fill the vacuum, but through unique means. China’s two pronged approach of working bilaterally and multilaterally has seen the country make immense headway in both arenas.

The bilateral connectivity was carefully nurtured over the last seven decades and has been enhanced by the BRI and the resulting investment and development. From a multilateral perspective, China is one of the strongest advocates of cooperation and integration. Believing in the need to share opportunities and generate mutually beneficial arrangements, China is using her position in many international groupings to share positive experiences and ways by which they can be replicated, in a bid to improve conditions internationally.

Growth of the SCO: power house of the 21^st century

The last century ended with the Treaty on Deepening Military Trust in Border Regions being inked in Shanghai. The resulting Shanghai Five brought together China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia and Tajikistan. In 2001 the group added Uzbekistan and was renamed the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. Bringing together key Dialogue Partners and Observers, the SCO’s decision to include India and Pakistan as full members in 2017, saw the Organisation growing but more importantly transforming into a larger Asian alliance. Estimated to be the largest organisation in geography and population after the UN itself, the SCO has, over less than two decades, consolidated its position on the world stage.

Originally formed as a confidence building forum to demilitarize borders, the SCO has expanded its mandate to include increased military and counter-terrorism cooperation and intelligence sharing. Geared towards tackling the ‘three evils’ of terrorism, separatism and extremism, the states involved have effectively cooperated through a multitude of fora, such as joint drills and other cooperative mechanisms, to thwart the rise and/or spread of the ‘three evils’. The amalgamation of political summits with peace games in Bishkek in 2007, intense cooperation between the SCO and the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organisation and the formulation of an Anti-Extremism Convention, the outfit has realized the need to respond to growing challenges from outside the region and to respond collectively if an impact is to be made.

Identified as one of the most influential and powerful entities in global affairs, its strength comes from its membership and their high level of commitment. The inclusion of India and Pakistan bodes well for many. India and Pakistan receive the opportunity of working closely with each other and with China and Russia respectively as they allay their past misgivings, and bilateral differences for a greater cause. The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) has a sliver of hope if neighbours decide to work in unison. The formula is thus a win-win situation and is positively impacting other groupings.     

Just as the 19^th century was identified as the British Century and the 20^th was dubbed the American Century, the 21^st it is widely argued, belongs to Asia. Robust economic growth, rapid development, expanding populations and poor performances in other quarters of the world, indicate a possible realization of an Asian Century. With the inclusion of Russia, through the SCO and as a northern neighbour in the greater Asian region, key aspects of power are thrown into the formula, ensuring a success story. With China, India and Russia the prospects for the grouping remain endless.

China’s role in the SCO: Synergizing for the future

China led the SCO in 2012 and took over the presidency once again in June 2017. Since then China has created new platforms for deliberations and widened the scope of the organisation, to ensure greater representation, meaningful involvement and deeper interaction at all levels among the member states. From the first SCO Peoples Forum in Xi’an in April, to the first SCO Women’s Summit in May, the first ever SCO Media Summit in Beijing in June, and thereafter hosting the SCO Summit in Qingdao, also in June, China has provided reinvigoration and led in the effort to transform the SCO.

Forging consensus among member states to implement an initiative of the Chinese NGO Association for International Exchanges, the Peoples Forum brought together more than 80 delegates from across the SCO region as well as those from Cambodia, Nepal and Sri Lanka, as Dialogue Partner countries for several days of deliberations and in a bid to further consolidate the connectivity between SCO states.

In 2017, President Xi Jinping called for closer people to people connectivity, and the need to ensure a shared vision for humanity. His offer of Chinese solutions to meet the onslaught of challenges gripping the global community, generated avenues for deeper cooperation, mutual trust, and common development, all of which are enshrined in the Shanghai spirit. Sharing the Chinese experience, the SCO Peoples Forum was an opportunity of understanding the potential of building bridges of communication and securing lasting peace, which could be a means of guaranteeing universal security. As an exercise in public diplomacy, the Forum ensured the realization of a Chinese proverb that the relations between states lie in the affinity of their people.

At the SCO Summit, the Chinese leader identified four areas for closer cooperation amongst member states. He identified the need to return to the Shanghai Spirit and act to advance the areas of mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality, consultation, respect for diverse civilizations and pursuit of common development, and enhance solidarity and coordination. President Xi called for the SCO to provide heightened emphasis on cooperation in the field of security with the ‘three evils’ remaining the focus, as the SCO works towards shared development by promoting a freer, more open interplay in the economic arena. His fourth call was for the SCO to play a more comprehensive role in world affairs.

The structured approach advocated by China is a reflection of her own policies wherein, successful attempts have been made to reduce poverty, improve livelihoods, generate growth, ensure a greater degree of prosperity and common development, safeguard peoples, and increase the influence of China internationally. Irrespective of the region or country, the provision of development assistance increases the influence that China has in the world, but of relevance is that the assistance is being sought by states, and not being forced on them by China. As the only country with the capacity to provide the assistance at the current scale, Chinese investments across the world, have been able to drastically change domestic dynamics within recipient countries.

Countries of the global north are among the chief beneficiaries. Hosting President Xi in 2015, the United Kingdom had received an estimated $16 billion between 2000 and 2014, while Germany received $8.4 billion, France was close behind with $8 billion, and Portugal and Italy received $6.7 billion and $5.6 billion respectively, during the same period. Currently ranked as the number one investor among foreign governments in the United States, with an estimated $1.18 trillion, China holds 21% of America’s debt.

Developing countries rely on China but this in turn bodes well for South-South cooperation, as the fast changing tide with which China gradually assumes a higher, if not the highest role in the international hierarchy, augurs well for all developing countries. It needs to be understood in the Asian context, then the region as a whole can share the success of an Asian neighbour. Xi had no qualms in stating that ‘China is an important member of the Asian family and the global family. China cannot develop itself in isolation from the rest of Asia and the world. On their part, the rest of Asia and the world cannot enjoy prosperity and stability without China.’ [1]

 

China has accepted her role, and is clearly emerging as the next world leader. It is obvious that the sooner she is viewed as a partner and is joined in the pursuit of development, the sooner Asia and in fact many other regions of the world, will gain strength and stability.

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[1] http://www.china.org.cn/business/Boao_Forum_2013/2013-04/10/content_28501562.htm

CHINA AND ASIAN ECONOMIC SECURITY: PARTNERING POLICY, PROGRESS AND PROSPERITY

- George I. H. Cooke

Security, in its many forms and manifestations, grip persons, confound societies, baffle nations and complicate international relations. The realization of the risks involved in security, loom in the absence of the latter. A predominant phenomenon in Asia is the continuous attempt to dissipate the fear psychosis that lapses in security could bring to bear on life and limb. People look to their governments for safety. Governments look to partners on the international stage to reduce the risk of danger and infringement of the right to a safe and secure existence. This interdependence is of paramount importance as states rely on each other for counsel and assistance in thwarting the corollaries of security breaches. Since ancient times, security and its preservation, has remained at the top of agendas, dominated discussions, precipitated tension and even resulted in wars. Whilst threats from non-state entities are of dominant concern, many states contend with and exist in fear of other states and their apparatus, whether military or otherwise. 

The situation is not, however, as grim as it might be predisposed to be, especially in the Asian context. Or rather it may not necessarily be perceived as negatively as it might appear. Asia as a whole possesses the potential to co-exist albeit certain misgivings and tensions, which are present in all regional groupings. East Asia in particular has made vast strides in the march towards regionalism and kept at bay, to a large extent, the threats posed by suspicion, reservations and disputes. This success is believed to originate in the ‘…very fact that ASEAN has so far prevented its members from going to war with one another, given that ASEAN was considered as the Balkans of the East in the 1960s.’[1]

The economic dimension of security is a key component in its study. Globalization and economic security, whilst possessing the possibility of partnering progress, also retain the ability to cause much destruction. Towards this end Miles Kahler claimed that globalization has engineered ‘two anxieties that have factored into the definition of economic security. First, the opening of borders has generated unease over the growth of illicit cross-border exchange in drugs and contraband, criminal and terrorist networks, illegal migration, and cross-border movement of pathogens such as the SARS virus. Second, economic liberalization and globalization have the potential to engender a new vulnerability to international markets through the economic and political volatility that they produce.’[2]

It is in this context of security being at the forefront of continued caution that this paper strives to examine Asian economic security and its ramifications, while examining China’s role and the possibility of partnering policy, progress and prosperity. Has a cohesive policy of planning been considered? Is this an immense source of strength or an insurmountable threat? Is economic security at the heart of discourse among states in the region, thus making it the common denominator?

Economic security: problems and prospects

Understanding the scope of security has been widely enmeshed in military and political aspects. The need for guaranteeing and preserving security has been left to militaries with political will backing the process. The deep-rooted, entrenched nature of globalization and the Asian financial crisis could be regarded as two of the turning points in making states realize the vast potential their economies possessed, the harmful characteristics of them and the spillover effect that such a crisis could have on a region and beyond. The Asian financial crisis, the region’s baptism by fire, renewed hope in resilience. It is this resilience that is today at the crux of trade and commerce as states amalgamate, in the context of ASEAN, and persevere to uncover potential. This realm, which hadn’t been focused on sufficiently in the past, thereby rose in significance. The globalized nature of economies contributed to the crisis as countries ventured into new areas and battled fresh challenges to overcome that which they were forced to face.

As the planet’s largest and most populace continent covering an expanse of 44, 579, 000 km^2, Asia is home to roughly 60% of the world’s population. The region possesses the second largest nominal GDP of all continents, but the largest when measured in purchasing power parity. Whilst China has grown by leaps and bounds, maintaining annual growth in the 1990s and early 2000s at more than 8%, today the economy stands as a giant on the Asian domain. Overall resilience has remained a cornerstone of growth and development, whilst all-out war has been avoided.

Asia has faced and endured untold levels of poverty which have been and are being addressed in new and innovative ways; massive population growth and its resulting implications that have burdened, yet increased manpower and potential; natural disasters that have taken a significant toll on person and property, but increased levels of resilience and improved facilities thereafter; and financial crises that have crippled economies in the short term, yet strengthened them subsequently. 

Economies and their leadership have proven time and again that although might and muscle can overpower at times, right and resilience play a key role in determining the course the region and her members would traverse. While the heavyweights have played ball, their smaller counterparts have certainly not been sitting it out on the benches. The examples, indicators and aspects of this diverse region, continue to amaze the most cynical of critics. Despite irritants erupting within, mainly between neighbours, across borders and straits, and betwixt adversaries of doctrine and policy, these countries have been able to overcome with resolve and determination, their differences, to a large extent. Boding well, this assimilation, understanding and constructive advancement has resulted in a constructive, well-matured region.

China: a successful neighbour

Sixty years ago Chou Enlai strode the world stage. His personality and policy were articulated at the 1955 Bandung Conference at which he laid out the role he envisioned for his country and his style of governance. Dispelling misgivings and assuaging prejudice, the Chinese Premier led China into the global arena with his own savoir-flair style of diplomacy.[3]

The newly formed Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), which is set to rival the Bretton Woods institutions, has marked the presence of 57 countries so far. The desire for many countries outside the region to join the AIIB signals not just the potential of the bank but the attention it has received. Foreboding well for the Asian region, in which it is headquartered, the US$ 50 billion dollar bank is geared towards achieving Asia’s growing investment needs and intends revolutionizing the infrastructure industry, aiding development and taking the Chinese success story to the region and beyond.[4]

Having reached out and strengthened relations in Asia and in Africa over the last several decades, China’s venture into Latin America has proved noteworthy. Premier Li Kequiang’s visits to Brazil, Chile, Columbia and Peru in May 2015 sought to further strengthen trade and commerce links with direct investment in Latin America set to reach US$250 billion over the next decade. Having eclipsed the United States as the top destination for South American exports, China is currently Latin America’s biggest annual creditor.[5] The visit is but one, into a region that has come to rely heavily on China and is symptomatic of the influence that this once distant and relatively inward looking country has come to signify.

Chou Enlai succeeded in dispelling qualms and apprehensions that existed sixty years ago and thrust China into the global arena. Xi Jinping has marked the milestone with far reaching vision and cemented the position of China as a key leader, in world affairs. His initiatives in resurrecting the ancient Silk Road and thereby creating an ‘economic belt’ has widely enhanced the influence of China not only across the Asian region but beyond into Africa, the Middle East and Europe as investments are targeted in the areas of road, rail, port and pipelines across 65 countries. Upon assuming chairmanship of the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia (CICA), President Xi stressed that ‘with our interests and security so closely intertwined, we will swim or sink together and we are increasingly becoming a community of common destiny.’[6] The close affinity nurtured continuously through investment and commerce has benefited countries throughout the region.

A view of the statistics alone portend that in the next couple of years, China will see her imports reaching US$ 10 trillion, outbound investment is expected to reach US$ 500 billion and the number of outbound tourists is likely to exceed 400 million. As President Xi highlighted ‘the more China grows itself, the more development opportunities it will create for the rest of Asia and the world.’[7]

Auguring well for South-South cooperation, the fast changing tide sees China gradually assume a higher if not the highest role in the international hierarchy. As a new champion of smart power, the way Nye cast it, China has gone beyond the hard and soft versions. Possessing military prowess, economic and financial dexterity and venturing into a multitude of sectors and territories, China’s achievement needs to be understood in the Asian context, wherein the region as a whole may lay claim to the success of an Asian neighbour.

Fear - learning from the past, understanding more from the present

Economic security undoubtedly brings to fruition possible or comparable economic insecurity. The fear factors are enmeshed in the notion that over–reliance and interdependence could generate a mass downfall. Socio-economic problems form the foundation of such fears, fueled most often by stupendous growth. Poverty, the lack of economic growth, the persistent debt crisis, poor terms of trade and disadvantageous global competitiveness are but some of the ingredients stirring the cauldron of economic security as countries wage what is often perceived as an unwinnable war.  

Furthermore, Jorge Nef rightly pointed out that ‘since 1961, the non-Western countries of Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and the Americas have gone through at least three United Nations sponsored "development decades." However, little development, let alone catching up, has taken place.’[8] The question therefore arises as to why it wasn’t a success and why would this attempt be any different? It is in the question itself that the solution is found. The stronger the system, sturdier the ties and the firmer the network, the less likely countries are to fall prey to crises. In the past decades, the imposition of a solution through a development agenda for a specified period remained just that – a solution for a specified period. In contrast the scenario today reveals a continuous collaboration through which countries have the option of partnering with each other in the common pursuit of sustainable development. It becomes tangible and the effects of development spill out into society, rather than remaining contained within economic statistics. It is noteworthy that Chinese trade within Asia has increased from US$ 800 billion to US$ 3 trillion and trade with other regions has grown from US$ 1.5 trillion to US$ 4.8 trillion. China has become the largest trading partner, biggest export market and a major source of investment, and countries, especially those in the Asian region stand to gain - and gain immensely.

It is not a situation in which the poor are made richer by making the rich poorer, as warned against by Churchill. Instead the influx of investment, enhanced connectivity, the development of industry and infrastructure, guaranteed markets all indicate and lead towards sustainable economic growth. Capturing such growth has failed thus far owing to it not reaching the grassroots and instead bopping on the surface of economies. The doom and gloom proclamations of such ventures from the past remain there, in the past. What is projected for the future is however economic growth that is intended to reach the periphery while strengthening the centre.

Concerns and the call for caution will exist, yet countries, as articulated by Noor, with regard to the foreign relations of Malaysia, would be wise to advocate pragmatism. This would be in the interest of all concerned. Claiming that ‘rather than calibrated, cunning acumen, the foreign policy astuteness the country has demonstrated in the past has rather been the result of functional pragmatism sprinkled with a powdering of idealism’[9] Noor reminds us of the beauty of simplicity, of understanding things for what they are, rather than what we perceive them to be.

This ‘powdering of idealism’ wouldn’t harm anyone. It highlights our realization that countries in Europe, which although highly competitive, power driven and successful and said to be the very epitome of realism, have today joined together in the European Union, achieving a highly idealistic goal in their reliance on institutions and each other. Such co-existence, interdependence and strong links have avoided the outbreak of war, generated sustainable development and secured widespread prosperity for the region, although with a few exceptions. The very ethos of Europe today is its reliance, voluntarily or not, on idealism. ASEAN is well on the way to emulating such an ethos, although the path to be progressed would need to be indigenous, encapsulating the ‘Asian-ness’ of the region and her policies, politics and people.

Partnering policy, progress and prosperity

Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson hide no inhibitions in discounting the aims and aspirations of countries, chief among which is China. Arguing that ‘attempting to engineer prosperity without confronting the root cause of the problems – extractive institutions and the politics that keeps them in place – is unlikely to bear fruit’,[10] they have, however, accepted that irrespective of the institutions and politics in place, prosperity can be harnessed, it can be transplanted and it can succeed. This flies in the face of ‘development decades’ that failed to achieve that which they were intended to.

Policy becomes highly relevant in this process of partnering. President Xi stressed that ‘as members of the same global village, we should foster a sense of community of common destiny, follow the trend of the times, keep to the right direction, stick together in time of difficulty and ensure that development in Asia and the rest of the world reaches new highs.’[11]Setting and reaching common economic targets, whilst seen in formal regional bodies, would do well to be matched in relation to ties with China.

Addressing the Boao Forum in 2013, President Xi referred to the Chinese adage that a wise man changes as time and events change. He noted that countries ‘should abandon the outdated mindset, break away from the old confines that fetter development and unleash all the potential for development.’[12]This he claimed could be achieved through a policy of peace, cooperation and openness. Peace, he noted, provided security as a safeguard for boosting common development whereby the international community advocated the vision of comprehensive security, common security and cooperative security turning ‘the global village into a big stage for common development, rather than an arena where gladiators fight each other.’[13]

Through cooperation, he called for an effective vehicle was created for enhancing common development through the enhancement of South-South cooperation and North-South dialogue, promotion of balanced development of the developing and developed countries and a consolidation of the foundation for sustaining stable growth of the global economy. Whilst openness, he claimed ensured inclusivity, creating a broad space for enhancing common development through which countries respect the right of others to independently choose their social system and development path, remove distrust and misgivings and turn the diversity of the world and difference among countries into dynamism and driving force for development.

This multi-pronged strategy has been tried and tested. Viewed as a return to the basics, the adoption and implementation of such a policy of partnering across the region, laying aside skepticism and suspicion in the name of and for the promotion of economic security, would, it is argued provide for a win-win situation.

The path ahead for Asia, in perceived challenging times, would do well to be traversed upon the lines of regionalism. Interdependence and economic cooperation cannot be underestimated in the pursuit of development and prosperity and they need to be entrenched into systems of governance. Joint formulation of policy for the achievement of progress would augur well for Asia. Such co-dependence isn’t and mustn’t be viewed as external interference or meddling and instead needs to be understood from economic terms. The resulting prospects would enhance domestic economies, boost national economies and strengthen international trade. The burgeoning of development, greater circulation of finance, provision of opportunities, improvement of economic statistics and the experience of actual improvement in the lives of Asians, needs to be tethered to China and her rapid progress.

The need arises for examination of whether a cohesive policy of planning has been considered, if China is an immense source of strength or an insurmountable threat, and whether economic security remains at the heart of the discourse in the region. It is evident that China has forwarded a comprehensive and clear strategy for partnering. Attaching no strings, but instead underpinning the basic common factors of peace, cooperation and openness, China has proved to be an immense source of strength to Asia. In addition, economic security, which is undoubtedly at the heart of China’s policy, has been identified as a key concern in the context of security, a recognition that bodes well for the entire Asian region.

President Xi has had no qualms in stating that ‘China is an important member of the Asian family and the global family. China cannot develop itself in isolation from the rest of Asia and the world. On their part, the rest of Asia and the world cannot enjoy prosperity and stability without China.’[14] China has accepted her role. The sooner she is viewed as a friend and is joined in the pursuit of development, the sooner Asia and in fact many other regions of the world, will gain economic strength and stability, and ensure much needed economic security. 

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[1]Mely Caballero-Anthony, ‘The Regionalization of Peace in Asia’, ed. Michael Pugh and Waheguru Pal Singh Sidhu, The United Nations and Regional Security, Lynne Rienner, Colorado, 2003, p197.

[2]Kahler, Miles - Economic Security in an era of Globalization: Definition and Provision, Luncheon Address – Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, Singapore, 2003

[3]Paul E. Sigmund, The Ideologies of Developing Countries, Praeger, London, 1963, pp54-55

[4] Joseph Stiglitz – ‘In defence of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank’ - http://www.theguardian.com/business/2015/apr/14/in-defence-of-the-asian-infrastructure-investment-bank\

[5]http://finance.yahoo.com/news/chinas-pivot-latin-america-220003651.html

[6]http://www.china.org.cn/world/2014-05/28/content_32511846.htm

[7]ibid

[8]Nef, Jorge – Human Security and Mutual Vulnerability - https://www.globalpolicy.org/component/content/article/218/46609.html

[9]Noor, Elina - Friends with Benefits: Why Malaysia can and will maintain good ties with both the United States and China - https://www.cigionline.org/blogs/asia-pacific-security/friends-benefits-why-malaysia-can-and-will-maintain-good-ties-both-unite

[10]Acemoglu, Daron and Robinson, James A., Why Nations Fail, 2012, Crown Business New York, p 450

[11]http://www.china.org.cn/business/Boao_Forum_2013/2013-04/10/content_28501562.htm

[12]ibid

[13]ibid

[14]http://www.china.org.cn/business/Boao_Forum_2013/2013-04/10/content_28501562.htm