Relations between
Britain and Sri Lanka have soared and soured since paths crossed in 1796, when
during the Napoleonic Wars the British fearing French-control of the island
which was partially under the jurisdiction of the Dutch, occupied the coastal
regions. From complete control of the island in 1815 to independence in 1948,
and amidst developments through to 2018, Britain has remained critically relevant
to Sri Lanka.
In the 1940s an empire
was crumbling after the Second World War, as colonies, having done their duty
of aiding the British, sought to gain independence. An empire on which the sun
never set was encountering its own sunset, as the international order began to
undergo a drastic change from a multipolar world to a bipolar system as the
Cold War began unfolding. It was amidst such change that India, Ceylon and
Burma in South Asia, were agitating for liberation, yet it was Ceylon’s quest
for independence that remained unique, as opposed to her contemporaries in the
region.
Ceylon’s reaction to
colonialism was two-fold. Whilst the island had encountered numerous invasions
from across the Palk Strait in the centuries gone by, it was the advent of the
Portuguese, followed by the Dutch and finally the British that saw the island
face some of its most tumultuous days. The reactionary forces in the country sought
to avenge the colonizers through revolts. In 1815 when the entire island fell
into the hands of the British, most leaders of the time intensified their
effort to rid the island of the British. These numerous uprisings occurred throughout
the ensuring century. The British were able however to employ the perennial
policy of ‘divide and rule’ to ensure that their writ prevailed upon the
entirety of the island.
2018 marks Sri Lanka’s
70th anniversary of independence but it also marks the 200th
anniversary of the Uva Wellasa uprising. The thwarting of this infamous
rebellion included the induction of Indian troops, the capture and beheading of
several Ceylonese leaders, and the suppression of a disgruntled population. The
century thereafter was dotted with incidents of revolt, thus exemplifying the
nature of Ceylon’s reaction to Britain.
It was in the 1900s
that Ceylon and her leaders altered the manner of response to the British.
Engagement became a cornerstone of policy especially that which was advocated
by Don Stephen Senanayake, despite having been jailed on trumped up charges.
This second course of action saw the road to independence becoming relatively
smooth and not even remotely similar to that which was experienced in India at
the time of partition just months before.
Successive forms of
representation that had been made to the British in Ceylon and in London itself
culminated in the announcement of the granting of Dominion Status in the midst
of the campaign of the 1947 general election. Although Senanayake did not
muster a decisive victory he was able to form a government, which would see the
transition of power in a matter of months. The announcement was expected to
bolster the newly created United National Party given the fears of a rising
Left, which was in actuality a global phenomenon in the aftermath of the Second
World War.
Ceylon’s decision to
engage with the British in the preceding decades wasn’t without incident.
Numerous events led to the colonizer crossing paths with Ceylonese leaders, as
seen during the Bracegirdle Affairs, and Mooloya Incident in which the entirety
of the Board of Ministers resigned, to name just two, and even the decision of
Senanayake to turn down a knighthood at a time such honours were highly sought
after, led to a degree of tension. Yet the overarching objective was freedom.
The maturing of Ceylon’s leaders and the policies employed, gave the British no
feasible reason to persist in refusing the island independence. The evolving
violence experienced in India and the non-cooperation of the Burmese were
positive factors in Ceylon’s bid.
The signing of several
agreements in 1947, chief amongst which were those pertaining to defence,
external affairs and public officials didn’t deter the island and her leaders
from deciding on their own policies during the period of Dominion Status which lasted
for nearly a quarter of a century, until the promulgation of the Republican Constitution
in 1972. From the decision of Dudley Senanayake to sign the Rubber-Rice Pact in
1952 with China, to the refusal to join the South East Asia Treaty Organization
(SEATO) during the premiership of Sir John Kotelawala owing to immense pressure
from the Left in the country, and even the convening of the Colombo Conference
with Burma, India, Indonesia and Pakistan in Ceylon, the island opted to chart
its own path though connections to Britain remained strong.
In 1957 the decision of
S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike to ask the British to leave Trincomalee and
Katunayake, and the subsequent nationalizing of the oil companies in 1961 by
Sirimavo Bandaranaike were endured though not appreciated by the British given
that Ceylon was a Dominion at the time but these incidents articulated the
independent nature of the country and her policies.
Bilateral connectivity
soared during the presidency of J. R. Jayewardene owing chiefly to the persistence
and effectiveness of the then Prime Minister. Ranasinghe Premadasa’s affiliation with the Conservative Party and Margaret Thatcher in
particular before she became Prime Minister led to monumental support once she
came into office with the British granting the largest aid package for the
Mahaweli project, and Thatcher herself visiting in 1985. Jayewardene supported Britain
over the Falkland Islands despite Argentina being a fellow Non-Aligned Movement
state at the time, and not withstanding Argentina having moved a resolution to
admit Ceylon into the United Nations amid strong Soviet opposition soon after
independence.
When Premadasa assumed
the office of President and John Major replaced Thatcher relations plunged over
the Gladstone incident and saw the commencement of the human rights dilemma
that would plague Sri Lanka for decades to follow.
Taking another turn for
the worse during the presidency of Mahinda Rajapaksa was the visit of Foreign
Secretary David Miliband who accompanied the French Foreign Minister Bernard
Kushner in a bid to halt the ending of the conflict, and the attempt by the
British government to appoint Des Browne as special envoy on Sri Lanka, in
2009. From co-sponsoring resolutions in Geneva to attempting to thwart the
Colombo bid to host CHOGM, relations dipped, if not plummeted to all time lows.
It was in the wake of
the 2015 presidential election, amid positive overtures from the West that Britain
responded in similar vein. The decision of the Sri Lankan government to invite
Prince Edward, the Earl of Wessex and his wife Sophie, Countess of Wessex is a
reminder of the role played by the British Royal Family in supporting the British
establishment as their brand ambassadors travelling the world, and but more
relevantly denotes the influence that Britain exercises seven decades after
granting a colony independence.
While the island came
under complete control of the British Crown in 1815, it wasn’t until 1870 that
the first member of the British Royal Family visited Ceylon. Queen Victoria’s
second son, Prince Alfred, Duke of Edinburgh was the first visitor, followed by
his elder brother Prince Albert Edward who went on to be Edward VII, visiting in
1875. His sons, the Duke of Clarence and Prince George sailed into Colombo in
1882. Prince George was to return in 1901 as the Duke of Cornwall and York with
the Duchess, the future King George V and Queen Mary. While the uncrowned
Edward VIII visited in 1922 and his brother, the future George VI arrived in
1925, it was their younger brother, the Duke of Gloucester who was chosen by
Britain to represent the Crown in 1948 at independence.
Having travelled to
Ceylon twice before, in 1929 on his way to Japan, and in 1934 when he had
brought back the throne of the Kandyan Kingdom which had been hitherto housed
at Windsor Castle after it was removed from Ceylon, the visit was both symbolic
and momentous as a brother of George VI was granting a colony independence. Elizabeth
II herself visited the island twice in 1954, on her Commonwealth tour and again
in 1981 to mark the 50th anniversary of universal franchise. A third
visit would have occurred in 2013 for the Commonwealth Heads of Government
Meeting (CHOGM) but distance and age, resulted in Prince Charles and the
Duchess of Cornwall deputizing. The Prince of Wales had been chief guest at the
50th anniversary of independence in 1998 while his sister, the
Princess Royal visited in 1995, and President Chandrika Bandaranaike
Kumaratunga was invited to propose the toast on behalf of Commonwealth leaders
on the occasion of the 50th wedding anniversary of the Queen and
Prince Philip in 1997.
When glancing around
the region, it is not known to invite British leaders or their royals to grace
independence ceremonies but then other former colonies didn’t engage with the
British in a similar manner. The closest that India and Pakistan came to
inviting royalty was the Queen’s visit in October 1997, two months after their
golden jubilee celebrations. The visit was severely soured however owing to
comments by the Foreign Secretary Robin Cook in Islamabad, their impact in
India and a scuffle just minutes before the Queen’s plane departed the
subcontinent.
In the seven decades
since independence bilateral relations between Britain and Sri Lanka have
triumphed and been trounced. It would be suffice to note that these relations
have been unique, and much of that credit dates back to the years preceding
independence when the leaders of yesteryear chose to engage rather than revolt
as had been the strategy a century earlier in the 1800s.
The British on the
other hand are looking to harness history as they stride ahead bereft of their
European Union membership. The British did it earlier too in forming the
Commonwealth as the empire gradually wound up, and the Chinese too are reviving
history through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Sri Lanka remains relevant
as does the entirety of the Commonwealth of Nations which would see a
re-energizing process when Britain assumes the Chair-in-Office in April 2018. The
mere extension of the invitation, the visit of the Earl and Duchess of Wessex
and the receptions and events that follow, must not be the sole highlight of
the 70th anniversary.
D. S. Senanayake and
his colleagues in government engaged with the British with the clear objective
of realizing the dawn of independence for Ceylon and her people. Seven decades later
the thinking should be goal-oriented, with aspirations firmly established. Britain’s
soon-to-be post-Brexit scenario should form the foundation
upon which Sri Lanka strategizes. Aiming to enhance trade, attempting to fill
the gaps left by the Europeans, improving the movement of persons and increasing
education and technology cooperation are just a few key items that should be on
the table.
The chief guest at this
significant anniversary is a known British national, and irrespective of his
position in the Royal household, it is imperative for Sri Lanka to utilize this
opportunity to galvanize her foreign policy, otherwise an invitation, and a
position of honour, would have been wasted.
-
- George I. H. Cooke
