The marking of anniversaries in
global politics is usually confined to the creation of new states through the
cessation of provinces or regions, by generally violent means as has been
experienced at varying times in history. The unification of Germany is a
critical exception that stands out. Yet 2017 marks a unique anniversary of the
unification of a country that is fast emerging as the greatest powerhouse the
world has ever known.
When Chris Patten sailed out of Hong Kong’s Victoria Harbour
on board HMS Britannia in June 1997, it was not merely a handover of governance
from the United Kingdom to China, but more importantly the curtain falling on
one empire and gradually rising on another. The presence of the British in
southern China since the founding of the Hong Kong Crown Colony on 26 January
1841 had been a long and arduous task, as was the experience between all
colonizers and their respective colonies.
Occupied in the midst of the First
Opium War which lasted from 1839 to 1842, Hong Kong was ceded to Britain in the
Treaty of Nanking, the signing of which saw the ending of the War as the
Chinese were defeated. Yet it was the 1898 Second Convention of Peking that saw
the establishment of a 99 year rent-free period, giving the British what seemed
to be an indefinite stay in the territory. With the opening of discussions
between the British and Chinese in 1982 when Deng Xiaoping stressed the need
for the handover to Margaret Thatcher, the result was the signing of the Joint
Declaration in 1984, and the stage was set for the dismantling of control over
yet another jewel in the crown.
Today the statue of Deng Xiaoping
positioned as it is in Shenzhen ‘walking’ towards Hong Kong is more than
symbolic. His tedious efforts of reclaiming Hong Kong from the British were
seen through his steadfast position that Hong Kong would return to China,
highlighted through his assertion that pursuant to a lapse of a year or two,
China would announce her intention to recover the territory. Unlike in the
Falklands, Thatcher didn’t have the opportunity to assert British sovereignty
over Hong Kong and had to abide by the 1898 Convention.
The twentieth anniversary of the
handover of Hong Kong is an opportune moment to reflect upon the vast changes
taking places in China as a whole and the position the country has come to
occupy on the global stage. Large countries, such
as China, which Martin Jacques claims is ‘not just a nation-state, it is also a
civilization-state’ given the gigantic
nature of size, the magnitude of population and the propensity to effect
change, have much at their disposal. He goes on to say that the term China encompasses
‘its history, the dynasties, Confucius, the ways of thinking, the role of
government, relationships and customs, the Guanxi or network of personal
connections, the family, the filial piety, ancestral worship, the values and
distinctive philosophy, all of which long predate China’s history as a
nation-state.’
Yet diplomacy is a key
tool, and it is complimented with a variety of other embellishments. Such
continent-like countries strategize on equivalent terms but they too realize
that in the global community the need exists to cooperate with all. The China
of today is well equipped and is using all its diplomatic capabilities to its
advantage.
The current Chinese
global policy direction through the amalgamated One Belt One Road (OBOR)
initiative and the AIIB brings several countries closer to China through trade,
investment and economic cooperation. Lest we forget China is the largest holder
of US treasury bonds. During the global financial crisis, China did not trim
its bond holdings, but actually increased them, a move which ensured stability
in the United States, mobile financial markets, eased its credit crunch and
promoted trade financing, thus being beneficial to the country’s goal in
macroeconomic regulations.
President
Xi has been at pains to stress that ‘the pursuit of the Belt and Road Initiative is not meant to
reinvent the wheel. Rather, it aims to complement the development strategies of
countries involved by leveraging their comparative strengths.’ President of the
China Institute of International Studies (CIIS) Ambassador Su Ge recently noted
that China is ‘looking for a more inclusive world order with more respect for
diversity, not a new world order.’ It is here that a clear thought-process
becomes relevant. The comprehension of contemporary China calls for primarily
understanding the contemporary world.
Chou Enlai succeeded in dispelling
qualms and apprehensions that existed sixty years ago and thrust China into the
global arena. Xi Jinping has marked the milestone with far reaching vision and
cemented the position of China as a key leader, in world affairs. His
initiatives in resurrecting the ancient Silk Road and thereby creating an
‘economic belt’ has widely enhanced the influence of China not only across the
Asian region but beyond into Africa, the Middle East and Europe as investments
are targeted in the areas of road, rail, port and pipelines across scores of
countries.
Furthering interest and engagement
in the region, China’s assumption of the chairmanship
of the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia
(CICA), saw a reiteration of the Chinese policy of integrating to a greater
degree. President Xi stressed that ‘with our interests and security so closely
intertwined, we will swim or sink together and we are increasingly becoming a
community of common destiny.’ The close affinity being nurtured through
investment and commerce has benefited countries throughout the region and is
expected to bear more fruit as the growth of the relationship expands.
While the British saw
the sun set on their empire when they left Hong Kong, the Chinese sun is on the
ascent and so is their ‘empire.’ With a growing global presence, which is
physical, economical, financial and political, the building of an empire, is
evident.
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Awarelogue Editorial
