Qataris awoke on
Monday, 05th June 2017 to a rapid movement of events in which
certain Arab states severed diplomatic ties with them and issued consecutive decrees.
Seen as a spilling over of simmering discontent with an Arab ally, the action
taken by Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, which was
followed by others including the Maldives, which has become a key backer of
Saudi Arabia, has been aimed at isolating Qatar over allegations of linkages to
terrorism. Yet Qatar as a state is not alien to intervention. Ever since the intrusion
of Britain in the Bahraini-Qatari War in 1867 and the installation of the
Al-Thani family as the rulers of Qatar, the relatively small state has
experienced outside intervention and attempts to coerce the country into
bidding dictates from elsewhere.
From its annexation to
the Ottoman Empire in 1871, to it becoming a British protectorate in the midst
of the First World War in 1916 as the Ottoman Empire collapsed, Qatar has also
seen internal royal squabbles. Whilst Sheikh Khalifa bin Hamad Al Thani staged
a palace coup in which he seized power from his cousin a year after Qatar
received its independence from Britain in 1971, he took part in the first Gulf
War in support of America and the attempt to liberate Kuwait from the Iraqi
invasion of the time. Seen as pro-Saudi, Sheikh Kahlifa was to lose power to
his son, Crown Prince Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani in 1995.
That year was critical
for Qatar’s relations with Saudi Arabia. Making its first shipment of liquid
natural gas from the offshore North Field, which is shared with Iran, saw the
transformation of Qatar. Although animosity with Iran saw the Saudis take
umbrage at Qatar’s action, the country prospered, becoming the richest nation
in the world according to per capita income. Since oil was discovered in 1939,
the country which had relied on pearls and fishing, now suddenly faced immense
wealth, which it was prudent to use effectively.
After Crown Prince
Hamad bin Khalifa become ruler he sought to establish low-level ties with
Israel, which were abandoned subsequently, and launched the Al-Jazeera
satellite news network which even aired footage of al-Qaida leader Osama bin
Laden sparking American criticism, whilst its Arab Spring coverage earned the
wrath of Arab leaders. In 2012 he was the first Arab leader to support military
intervention in Syria, sparking further outrage among Arab neighbours. Two
years later Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Bahrain recalled their ambassadors from
Doha following a political rift over Qatar’s tacit support for the Muslim
Brotherhood, but returned the envoys eight months later following Kuwaiti
mediation pursuant to which Qatar forced members of the Brotherhood out of the
country.
The current action seen
as a ‘counter revolution’ for Qatar’s role in the recent past, might be
justified by some quarters of the Arab world as necessary to tame or chastise
an Arab neighbour, but what seems to allude such perceptions is the potential,
power and pragmatism with which Qatar has functioned thus far. From a backward
port city to its emergence on the global stage as the richest nation, Qatar has
earned many allies in the right places. Capable of mingling with the rich and
powerful, through heavy investments, Qatar has developed strong bonds of
friendship with less forceful nations through the provision of employment for
their nationals and further investment. The network built up over the last
several decades is today its strongest asset, and perhaps an area some in the
Arab world failed to assess.
Whilst providing
America with a military base in Al-Udeid at a cost of US$ 1 billion, Qatar invested
significantly in real estate in Washington and New York. Qatar injected US $ 2.7
billion into Russia’s state-run Rosneft Oil company. France is the second
largest recipient of Qatari investments, which amounted to more than US$ 22
billion in 2016, and Germany has seen Qatar generously support Deutsche Bank
and Volkswagen. In Britain, Qatar recently pledged £5 billion in investments
over the next three to five years. China has looked to Qatar as a partner in
the OBOR project, receives 20% of their LNG from Qatar and are building the
2022 FIFA World Cup stadium. Turkey has signed a military agreement with Qatar,
while Canada was to be the next stop for Qatari finances as the head of the
Qatar Investment Agency met with Prime Minister Trudeau just last month.
Allies exist across the
divide. Despite having a population of just 313, 000 people, Qatar is home to nearly
2.3 million, the majority of which are from India, Nepal, Bangladesh, Philippines,
Egypt, Sri Lanka, Syria, Sudan, Indonesia and the list tapers on. The provision of a livelihood, in addition to
investments in these countries has seen the earning of allies, who assist at
times of need. Indian External Affairs Minister pointed out that the crisis precipitating
in the Arab world was an internal matter of the Gulf countries. Bangladesh and
Sri Lanka, among others have refrained from taking sides given the need to
cooperate with both Saudi Arabia and Qatar, although the Philippines immediately
halted the deployment of its citizens in Qatar.
Qatar exerts immense
power, which it refuses to wield in a vulgar manner, choosing instead to tread
a path of cooperation with countries across the world. With a sovereign wealth
fund worth an estimated US$335 billion, Qataris have thought of the future. Having planted ‘food farms’ through the acquisition
of large swathes of villages overseas, the desert country, has today addressed
food security concerns through projects in Sudan and Australia. This economic diversification
and agricultural enhancement has pushed Qatar towards greater self-sufficiency.
Thus isolating Qatar
would prove futile.
Given the global position,
economic capability and financial scope of Qatar, the Foreign Minister, Sheikh
Mohammed bin Abdulrahman al-Thani drove the message home, noting that Qatar had
‘been isolated because we are successful and progressive.’ The accusations of
terrorism and links to terror networks ring hollow in light of the reality.
After all people in glass houses don’t usually throw stones, although they have
on this occasion.
- Awarelogue Editorial
